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ROYAL HIGHLANDERS
OF CANADA la POT BY R.C.PETHERSTONHAUGH
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The 13th Battalion 4 Royal Highlanders of Canada ~ hn 1914-1919
- In the preparation of ‘this pan the ubactacsel okt National Defence has allowed the author free access to official diaries, orders, messages, maps and . other |
documents.
‘usppog ¥ 7e9 — ‘C16, ‘ANVOUMT ‘SNIVIG AMNASIIVS “D' HY ‘NOVivilvg HLT :
The 13th Battalion Royal Highlanders of Canada
1914-1919
Edited and Compiled by R. C. Fetherstonhaugh
Published by The 13th Battalion, Royal Highlanders of Canada 1925
wi { 7 a a . og 3) y y ; ae: Mu | LEN vant Copyright, Canada, 1925 by The 13th Battalion, Royal Highlanders of Canada .
=e [ew
TO THE PROUD MEMORY OF THE 13TH BATTALION DEAD - 1291 IN NUMBER THIS BOOK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED.
Author’s Foreword
C.E.F., the author would like to emphasize two points which
apply throughout. .
First, the reader is asked to realize that this is the story of ONE BATTALION ONLY. No effort has been made to follow the fortunes, or record the gallant deeds, of the splendid units with which the 13th Battalion was associated, except in so far as these directly affected the 13th itself. Considerations of space made this policy unavoidable.
Second, in the matter of individual mention, the author was forced to omit the account of many acts of personal courage and self sacrifice of an extremely high order. Where two or three such have been set down, ten times that number have had to be left out. Those who served with the Battalion will realize that no book of ordinary dimensions could contain a record which would do even approximate justice to individuals. Were other evidence of this lacking, a glance at the appendices of this book would carry over- whelming conviction that the half had not been told.
In conclusion the author desires to express his appreciation of the loyal support afforded him by the officers of the Battalion at whose suggestion the compilation of this book was undertaken. They furnished him with over 40 specially written reports and narratives and granted personal interviews innumerable, whenever some knotty problem impeded progress, or some difference in opinions required a careful sifting of facts. Also the author would acknowledge the unfailing courtesy and assistance of Col. F. Logie Armstrong, O.B.E., and Col. A. Fortescue Duguid, D.S.O., the former Director of Records and the latter Director of the Historical Section, General Staff, Department of National Defence, Ottawa, without whose help his task could not have been completed. A special debt is also acknowledged to those who in troublous times so faithfully kept the Battalion Diary, which is the basis of all the pages that follow.
[: presenting to the public this record of the 13th Battalion,
ROCF, Monvreat, February 15, 1925. [ vii ]
Foreword
By MAJOR-GENERAL SIR A. C. MACDONELL, K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.
“They served with fidelity and fought with valour’—CHatHam.,
HE, Battalion, formed in August, 1914, from the two fine battalions of the R.H.C., went to England from Valcartier in September, 1914, and returned to Canada in April, 1919. What the Battalion did in the intervening years is well and interest- ingly told by our author. He has done his task well; his narrative grips one, albeit it is all too brief and too modest ; and he who reads this history must read between the lines to grasp the full measure of loyalty, heroism and self-sacrifice almost daily displayed. He will realize that “when cannons are roarin’ and bullets are flying the lad that would win glory must never fear dying.”
It is advisable to mention a few of the milestones that led to the efficiency of the Royal Highlanders of Canada. Raised in the stir- ring times of 1862, they became a battalion of the Canadian Militia with its glorious traditions, (a militia that has fought for the Crown every fifteen years since 1763). First a partially kilted battalion, then a kilted battalion, they finally had the honour of wearing the
Black Watch Tartan. In the South African War, members of the Battalion for the first time fought for the Empire outside of Canada and Major George Cameron won the D.S.O.
In 1904 the Regiment was affiliated with the Black Watch; this affiliation was real and fostered by the officers of both regiments, notably by Colonel Rose of Kilravock. The 13th started with its identity preserved, its Regimental Officers and glorious traditions. Tested in the furnace of the Second Battle of Ypres, it proved its worth. Compare the reports of the gallantry and losses of the 42nd Black Watch at Ticonderoga and the 13th Battalion at the above named battle.
The raising of the 42nd and 73rd Battalions from the R.H.C. added to the Regimental morale.
Then came the crowning glory, the request that they should mount the “Red Hackle.’ When I was promoted to command the Ist Canadian Division in June, 1917, the 13th were already a dis- tinguished battalion with all the ear marks that indicate a good
[ ix ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
battalion. They had intensely patriotic officers, good Esprit de Corps, good discipline, traditions, and a great record which all seemed determined should not be tarnished. ‘They were well com- manded ; think for a moment of their Colonels—Major-General Sir Frederick Loomis who put his efficient mark on the Battalion, Victor Buchanan, Eric McCuaig later Brigadier-General, Kenneth Perry, Ian Sinclair—hard to equal, my masters, as Battalion Commanders in a stark fight. Count their decorations, not forgetting their wound stripes; and, although he never actually commanded the Battalion, I must mention gallant, modest Clark-Kennedy, V.C., a real hero.
As battle followed battle I became thoroughly imbued with the Battalion’s soundness and absolute dependability. Look up the book and see for yourself what they did. One splendid fact is outstanding, wounded officers always returned to the Battalion as soon as possible.
May I, at the risk of being too long, give my impression of a scene that is indelibly imprinted on my memory, a picture I love to recall, namely the presentation of Colours by H.R.H. Prince Arthur of Connaught. The Battalion never looked smarter, the setting for a Highland Battalion was perfect. Drawn up in line with their backs to a swift running rippling mountain stream on a meadow surrounded by well wooded hills, this battle-trained battalion of Royal Highlanders, victors on many a bloody triumphant field, proudly wearing the Red Hackle, received their Colours after a victorious campaign, from the hands of a Royal Prince, as knights of old received their spurs. The day was dark and overcast, Col. Perry asked and received permission to march past. He formed the Battalion up in column of half battalions, the Colours in the centre. Just as he gave the command “March,” the sun burst out. Never have I seen a more gloriously martial sight than the 13th Battalion, Royal Highlanders, at their best, as, with pipes playing, bayonets fixed, Colours flying, kilts swinging, they passed the saluting base in the burst of sun light.
The 13th and 42nd Battalions were both towers of strength to me, hence my pride in the honour of writing this foreword.
In closing, may I congratulate the author heartily on his work.
A. C. MACDONELL, Maj.-General. Late Commanding 1st Canadian Division.
[x]
Contents
CHapTer I. PAGE
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR. June 28, 1914—September 26, 1914 ’ ; : } : : ‘
Cuaprer II.
THE Voyack TO ENGLAND AND SALIsBuRY PLAINS. Septem- ber 26, 1914—February 10, 1915 .
Cuapter III.
Over To FRANCE AND Into Action. February 10, 1915— April 10, 1915
CHAPTER IV. THE Second Battie or Ypres. April 10, 1915—May 5, 1915
CHAPTER V.
FEsTUBERT, GIVENCHY AND PLOEFGSTEERT. May 5, 1915— August 12, 1915
CHapter VI. Messinres. August 12, 1915—March 17, 1916
Cuapter VII.
_ Hitz, 60, THe Brurr anp Mounr Sorret. March 17, 1916— ' May 31, 1916 LA, We EOL
z CHaprer VIII. _ Tue Junk Snow, 1916. May 31, 1916—June 13, 1916
CHAPTER IX.
_ Sancruary Woop, VERBRANDENMOLEN AND WatTEN. June 13, 1916—August 31, 1916 .
[ xi ]
15
29
41
ui ui
69
81
108
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA |
CHAPTER X. PAGE Tar Somme. August 31, 1916—October 9, 1916 . ; ee CHAPTER XI. THe WIntER oF 1916-1917. October 9, 1916—March 1, 1917 y : . i : . : , 442 CHapTer XII. Vimy Rivce. March 1, 1917—April 10, 1917. te
CuHaprter XIII.
THeLus, Farsus, ARLEUX AND Fresnoy. April 10, 1917— July 16, 1917 ;
CHapter XIV. Hi 70. July 16, 1917—August 16,1917. ( : . 188
CHAPTER XV. PasscHENDAELE. August 16, 1917—-November 12, 1917. . 202
Cuaptrer XVI.
Tur TuHirp WINTER IN France. November 12, 1917-—March 20, 1918 . : ; : eae
CuaprTer XVII. Anxious Days. March 20, 1918—May 7, 1918 . ~ 226
CHaprer XVIII. G.H.Q. RESERVE. May 7, 1918—August 3, 1918 . : . 238
CuHapTer XIX. Tur Barris or Amiens. August 3, 1918—August 21, 1918 247
[ xii ]
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XX. _ PAGE Tue Seconp Barries of Arras, 1918. August 21, 1918— September 14, 1918. : Wa a : ! . 262 CHAPTER XXI. Tue CanaL pu Norp. September 14, 1918—September 29, 1918 ‘ : : ‘ ; ; ; : ae’ § | CHAPTER XXII. THE BEGINNING OF THE END. September 29, 1918—October 10, 1918 : k : j ; 2) 261 CuHapteR XXIII. Tue Last oF THE FicHtiInc. October 10, 1918—November 11, 1918 4 , . é ‘ ; . 293 CHAPTER XXIV.
THE Marcu To THE Ruine. November 11, 1918—January 4, 1919 . é ; : ; : ’ : . 304
CHAPTER XXV.
Back FROM GERMANY AND Home To Canapa. January 4,
1919—April 20, 1919. ; j : : . 314 Appendices \ APPENDIX A. Sons ey Bhar hei VR Teo ol a aa
AppENDIX B.
Honours AND AWARDS . ; ’ ’ : : . 4358
| APPENDIX C. ESE SP 2 es a |
[ xiii ]
Illustrations
ij 13178 Barrarion, R.H.C., SAarispury PLAINS, FEBRUARY, . We a : ‘ ; ; : . Frontispiece Marie Corse, Ypres SALienv, June, 1916. 2 A TrencH ScENE, YPREs SALIENT, JUNE, 1916. ap YF In RESERVE NEAR LENS . . ; , ee Farsus, May, 1917 , ‘ ‘ : ; P 7 376 MeEmort4t Cross, Erecrep sy THE BAT TaLion at NINE ELMs, Vimy Rincr, May, 1917. : ' ‘ . 192 Marcuine Back To Rest Bintets AFTER THE CAPTURE OF Hirt 70, Aucust, 1917 ; . 208 Marcuinc From Hirt, 70, Aucusr, 1917 . 208 | Avion, SEPTEMBER, 1917 ; ; ; ; ; . 224 4 PASSCHENDAELE, NoveMBer, 1917 . aby ; . 224 BEIGE 5 In THE TRENCHES NEAR Lens, Decemper, 1917. . . 240 BA Trorny. Auts, Avevst 8m, 1918. |. (256 : Tur Drocourt-Qurant Linz, SEPTEMBER, 1918 . é I a ENTRAINING At BENSBERG, JANuary 51TH, 1919 : . 308
& CoLours PRESENTED IN GERMANY BY H.R.H. Prince Arruur ( oF CoNNAUGHT, JANUARY 41H, 1919 . ; . 308
Maps
a DME NGURERT ee 48
[xv ]
“tetas
The | 3th Battalion Royal Highlanders of Canada
1914-1919
eee
CHAPTER I | The Outbreak of the War
For all we have and are For all our children’s fate Stand up and take the war The Hun is at the gate!
Though all we knew depart The old commandments stand “In courage keep your heart In strength lift up your hand.” —Rupyarp Krptine.
I
N June 28th, 1914, when a Serbian fanatic assassinated the Austrian Archduke, Francis Ferdinand, and his consort,
Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg, in the little Bosnian town of Sarajevo, the event was not looked upon in Canada as of out- standing interest. Bosnians, Serbs, Russians and other foreign peoples were given to political murder and something of the kind was bound to happen every once in a while, no effect being felt beyond the boundaries of the countries immediately concerned.
This particular murder, then, excited no more than casual inter-
est. It was not even a nine days’ wonder. People read about it,
i expressed a certain amount of pious horror and promptly forgot it
-. { :
_ in the rush of more important events connected with the summer's q activities.
In mid-July foreign selling of securities became noticeable and financial circles sensed that something was wrong, but it was not until July 23rd that the situation became at all clear. On that date _ Austria presented an ultimatum to Serbia and the next day, when _ the contents of this note were made public, the world woke up with astart to realize that war was in the air.
; Events now moved with bewildering rapidity, so much so that _ by August 2nd negotiations had broken down and the Great World War had begun. England, who had striven desperately to avert the disaster, was inevitably drawn in. Whatever may have been
: [3]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
the desire of the British people as to taking part in the war, the appeal of the Belgian King removed all doubt from their minds. England’s duty to take part with Belgium against any ag- gressor was clear and unmistakable. Promptly Sir Edward Grey demanded a guarantee from France and Germany that Belgian neutrality would be observed. France gave the required promise, but Germany refused point blank to do so. And so it came about that on August 4th, at midnight, England declared war against Germany.
II
As soon as it became apparent that war was probable Canada and the other Dominions rallied immediately to the support of the Imperial Government. Britain’s quarrel was obviously just and the Dominions took it up without quibble or hesitation.
On July 30th Col. the Hon. Sam Hughes, Canadian Minister of Militia and Defence, presided at a special meeting of the Militia Council, after which it was announced that, in the event of war, Canada would send overseas a First Contingent of from 20,000 to 25,000 men. On August Ist H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught tele- graphed this offer to the British Government and asked on behalf of the Canadian people in what further way they could be of assistance.
Meanwhile in the armouries and drill sheds of the Dominion steps were being taken to prepare units for the Expeditionary Force that was to be. In this work the 5th Royal Highlanders of Canada took the part expected of them. Formed on January 31st, 1862, the 5th Royal Highlanders of Canada had, since 1904, been affiliated with the famous Black Watch, the oldest Highland Regiment in the British Army, which in turn was lineally descended from the six “Independent Companies of the Watch” raised in 1725. With such distinguished affiliations and with a proud record of its own to maintain, the 5th responded promptly to the unexpected call. In the absence of Lieut.-Cols. Cantlie and Ross, who were in England, Lieut.-Col. Peers Davidson addressed the Regiment in the Armoury on Bleury St., calling on officers and men alike to rally to the colours for service overseas. So enthusiastic was the response to this stirring speech that a telegram was despatched to the Minister of Militia forthwith, offering a battalion of Highlanders for what- ever service might be required of them.
[4]
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR
On August 6th the Canadian Government called for enlistments for overseas service and on Friday, August 7th, recruiting was actively begun. On that day there appeared in the Montreal papers the following advertisement, which, with no great stretch of fancy, can be considered the “birth notice” of the 13th Battalion:
5TH ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA ActivE SERVICE CONTINGEN’.
MEMBERS of the Regiment and others wishing to enrol in the Con-
tingent which will be sent by the Regiment for Active Service abroad, will make application at the Orderly Room after 9 a.m. on Saturday, the 8th instant.
D. R. McCuatc, Major, Regimental Adjutant.
As will be noticed in the above advertisement, the 13th Battalion had not up to this time been given its distinctive number. For some time it was still to be known as the “Active Service Con- tingent” of the Parent Regiment. Recruits flocked to its colours of their own accord and in addition recruiting parties were active, not in Montreal alone, but also in Sherbrooke and other parts of the surrounding country.
Major F. O. W. Loomis, who was appointed to command the new Battalion with the rank of Brevet Lieut.-Colonel, was a Sher- brooke man by birth. Born in 1870, he had joined the 53rd Militia Battalion when only 16 years of age. Twelve years later his inter- est and ability had earned him a commission and in 1903, on his moving to Montreal, he had transferred to the 5th Royal High- landers. Now all his years of training were to serve him in good stead. Recruits poured in faster than they could be handled, or so it seemed, but under Col. Loomis’ supervision and by the stren- uous efforts of all concerned the wheels of enlistment were somehow kept turning.
Difficulties there were—serious, difficulties—but these were met as they arose and disposed of as seemed best at the time. In ordin- ary circumstances many of the points that came up could not have _ been settled without reference to Ottawa, but Ottawa was having troubles of its own and requests for instructions or information often met with no response. Under such conditions Col. Loomis and his officers very wisely took things into their own hands.
[5]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Typical of the time was the necessity of purchasing supplies and equipment without adequate authority to do so, or more bluntly, with no authority to do so at all. On this point there was no hesita- tion. What was needed was bought at once and permission sought afterwards. Assistance to meet these conditions was generously offered by honorary members of the Regiment, who placed at the C.O.’s disposal a sum of money sufficient to tide over this difficult time. q i ik wy
Meanwhile, in addition to the organization and recruiting activ- ities, drilling of the men already enlisted was steadily carried on. A considerable number of these had had military training of some sort, either with the Parent Regiment or elsewhere, but others had had no training whatsoever and these had to be taught the very rudiments. About 65%, to 75% of the recruits were Old Country- men, the remainder native Canadians, with a small scattering of total outsiders who for one reason or another had decided to join up. In regard to the officers these proportions were reversed, all but four of those appointed being Canadian born.
To look back on those strenuous days is to marvel at the rapid- ity with which the unit took shape. Enthusiasm ran high and, under the stimulus of the prevailing excitement, men worked twelve, fifteen and eighteen hours a day, hardly realizing that they did so. It seems almost invidious to mention anyone by name when all gave freely of the best that was in them, but justice would not be done if some tribute were not paid to the untiring efforts of Col. Loomis, Major E. C. Norsworthy, the Second-in-Command, and Major V. C. Buchanan, the Junior Major. In addition to these the eight Company Commanders, Major D. R. McCuaig, Capt. C. J. Smith, Capt. R. H. Jamieson, Capt. K. M. Perry, Capt. L. W. Whitehead, Capt. I. S. Morrisey, Capt. H. F. Walker and Capt. W. H. Clark-Kennedy, worked with might and main, as did Capt. G. E. McCuaig, the Adjutant, and the Medical Officers, Major E. R. Brown and Capt. Douglas Morgan. Of the N.C.O.’s_ none rendered more valuable services than Sergt.-Major D. A. Bethune and Sergt. J. K. Beveridge.
In spite of hard work and serious attention to duty, the times were not entirely devoid of humorous incident. Few of those privileged to be present will forget the newly appointed lance- corporal who was earnestly drilling an awkward squad on Fletcher’s Field. At the edge of the small plot allotted to him was a group
[6]
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR
of nurse-maids whose admiring, and not exactly inaudible, com- ments brought hot blushes to his face and confusion to his brain. Gradually his orders suffered; sharp and clear at first, they soon reflected his embarrassed state of mind. Finally, as the Colonel approached to look things over, confusion took control. “Squad!”
roared the corporal, “Right! No, left! No! .... Oh, damn it! tur-r-n yer faces tae the Colonel and yer backs on a’ thae blatherin’ weemin.”
As August wore on the ranks of the companies steadily filled and rumours were heard that soon the Battalion would go under canvas. More definite was the news that Col. Sam Hughes in per- son was to inspect the unit previous to its departure. This inspec- tion was duly held on the Champ de Mars and was in many ways memorable. Men who took part in it say that it awakened in them the first real certainty that stern work lay ahead. The spot was historic and had echoed in the past to the tramp of those fighting men whose names and deeds are shrined in Canadian history. The night was wild; thunder was incessant and lightning, flashing on the bayonets and reflecting from the pools of water, seemed to convey a grim warning of what was to come.
For a few days after the review the routine of training con- tinued. At last, however, orders were received for the Battalion to proceed to Valcartier on the evening of August 24th. All that day the Armoury was a scene of intense activity. It seemed that the thousand and one things to be done could never be done in time. Hundreds of people crowded about the doors seeking some excuse to see what was going on inside. In the interests of discipline and efficiency, however, admission was strictly limited to those who had actual business within and to the men’s relatives and close personal friends who came to bid them farewell. ‘To these tickets had been issued to simplify the duties of the guard on the door. Without
this precaution there would have been chaos. Even as it was, the Armoury was uncomfortably crowded when the Battalion paraded, 1017 strong, for the march to the station.
At approximately 9.15 p.m. Col. Loomis gave the sharp com- _ mands which started the unit on its way to the war. At his orders the great doors of the Armoury swung open, the pipers struck up a martial air, company after company passed into the street and, with the Colonel himself leading, the Battalion headed for the station. Few who took part in, or witnessed, that march will ever forget it.
[7]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Down Bleury St. and west along St. Catherine St. the Battalion made its way, the ranks almost demoralized by a cheering, swaying mob of humanity. Montreal had not yet grown accustomed to such sights; not yet did the people realize that war meant long lists of dead and wounded. That day was to come, but it was still some distance in the future, so people waved and cheered and cheered and waved without much thought of where the men they cheered were going. The men themselves were carried away by the prevailing éx- citement. Around them was a sea of faces and a Niagara of noise. Connected thought was out of the question. Historic as the mo- ment was, they had little opportunity to appreciate its significance. Shouted greetings had to be acknowledged; friendly quips called for repartee and the very business of pushing through the crowded streets demanded no small amount of effort and attention.
At Peel St., where the unit swung south, the crowd was even denser than before and the skirl of the approaching pipes caused such a wave of enthusiasm that the pushing, jostling, cheering citizens nearly broke up the parade. The police were helpless and the Battalion’s ranks were broken repeatedly. Under such cir- cumstances it was a relief for officers and men to march into the comparative quiet of the carefully guarded Windsor Station, where two special trains awaited them. Once the men were on board no time was wasted. At 11 p.m. the first train steamed out, fol- lowed by the second a few minutes later. Thus, after a send-off such as the old City had probably never seen before, the 13th Battalion left Montreal.
III
Bright and early on the morning of August 25th the two trains carrying the 13th arrived at Valcartier Station, 16 miles west of Quebec. Here the unit detrained and marched two miles to camp.
Even yet few people realize how Valcartier sprang into existence almost over night. When the war broke out the site was a wilder- ness; the 13th on arrival found a model camp. Roads had been laid, drains and water pipes installed, showers erected and electric light brought in from Quebec; three and a half miles of railway sidings had been built, a telephone exchange was in opera- tion, also a rifle range—3 miles long—said to be the largest in the world. ‘Thirty-three thousand men assembled in this Camp and lived in it for over a month, while, owing to the excellence of its
[8]
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR
site and sanitary arrangements, there was practically no sickness at all.
On reaching camp the Battalion suffered its first experience of that Army bug-bear “conflicting orders.” At first there were in- sufficient tents, but eventually more arrived and these were pitched on a site indicated by an officer of the H.Q. Staff. Just as this job was completed and the men, some of whom had never been in camp before, were admiring the effect, instructions were received to strike the tents and move them to a location two hundred yards away. This order was smartly carried out, but evoked consider- able profanity from the hard worked rank and file. Hardly were the tents up on the new site when profanity was struck dumb by the arrival of orders to move them back again.
By night tents for the whole Battalion had been pitched in a satisfactory location and on the following day the unit took up its routine of training.
At this time the Battalion found itself in the peculiar situation of being a unit within a unit. Technically it was a part of the 12th Battalion, a force approximately 1700 strong, under the com- mand of Lieut.-Col. F. H. McLeod. Actually it preserved its identity and carried on its own affairs, maintaining at the same time cordial relations with the other parts of the 12th Battalion, included in which was a large contingent from the Pictou Highlanders.
Training continued steadily all through the remainder of August and September. Each day the Battalion paraded to an allotted area and practised manceuvres, or proceeded to the rifle ranges and put in a day’s work at the targets. Under the instruction of Capt. R. H. Jamieson and Sergt.-Major J. Jeffery the shooting of the men showed marked improvement and, by the end of a month, was really of a high standard.
In addition to this routine of training the Battalion on two occasions took part in night outpost schemes. During the latter of these contact was established between two of the opposing patrols and, so keen were the men, that casualties of a serious nature were barely averted. Some lusty blows are said to have been struck on this occasion, but no real damage ensued.
Meanwhile those in charge of documents and records were hav- ing a strenuous time. Re-attestation of the whole force took place and men parading for typhoid inoculation had to bring their papers
[9]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
with them, the result being that hundreds of papers got mixed up in an almost hopeless tangle. Day and night work in the battalion orderly rooms sorted these out before the units sailed, but it was a close call. In the 13th the situation was not finally cleared up till after midnight of the last day in camp.
In connection with the anti-typhoid inoculation several “old soldiers” pointed out that this was a “voluntary” measure to which they did not choose to submit. For a while it appeared they would get their way, but the M.O. was obdurate and presented an ulti- matum. “You can’t be forced into this,” said he, “its purely volun- tary, but you damned well can’t go to this war without it. ‘Take your choice!’ Faced with the awful possibility of being left be- hind, the “old soldiers” yielded without delay. No little amusement was caused, however, when it was found that the M.O. had not up to this time been inoculated himself. Gleefully his own alternatives were presented to him and gracefully he conceded the point. It is to be feared that the sore arm he carried for some days thereafter did not meet with the sympathy it deserved.
Another surrender to the force of public opinion was that of a small group of five or six men who had volunteered to transfer to the R.C.R. and accompany that Regiment to Bermuda. These men backed down and elected to remain with the 13th when a jeering group of their comrades gathered to “boo” them out of the Battalion lines.
During the latter period of the Battalion’s stay at Valcartier, the Quartermaster, Capt. J. Handley, was a busy man indeed. Constant issues of supplies and equipment took place, including Ross rifles, bayonets, entrenching tools and web equipment, as well as Regimental transport in the form of Bain wagons, a Maltese cart for medical supplies and so on.
Horses (about sixty in number) were issued towards the middle of the month. Not long afterwards a party of men was furnished by the Battalion to lead a string of horses from the Station to the Remount Depot, some distance away. When it became clear that this procession would pass through the Battalion lines, an informal committee was convened to study how this opportunity could best be turned to the Battalion’s advantage. High officers served on this committee and gave the situation their earnest thought. No report on their deliberations has ever been published, but it is a fact that, after the cavalcade had passed, some twelve of the Battalion’s
[ 10 }
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR
horses seemed fresher and younger than before, while an equal number of the remounts had aged in a manner that was truly remarkable.
While on the subject of horses it is of interest to note that white horses were not permitted in the contingent in their natural state, the idea being that a white horse would be conspicuous in actual warfare and the rider’ subjected to unnecessary risk. Amongst the victims of this theory was a beautiful animal, the property of Major V. C. Buchanan. It was intended that this horse should be dyed a khaki colour, but something went wrong with the dye and the result was a little queer. Several attempts were made to give this new colour a name, but it was an elusive shade, defying all description. “Heifer-brindle” came, perhaps, as near as any other effort.
Social activities at Valcartier call for little comment. Two of the officers, Capt. W. H. Clark-Kennedy and Lieut. Hutton Crowdy, were married during the month and, on the occasion of these wed- dings, as many as possible of the 13th officers attended. Visitors’ Day was another event of a more or less social character. On this day the Battalion lines were thrown open so that officers and men alike could ask their friends to come and see them. This invitation was accepted by a large number of people, many of whom came down from Montreal specially for the occasion. Every effort was made to accommodate these guests and to make them comfortable and there is no doubt that they enjoyed their visit.
Many ladies were amongst those to whom hospitality was ex- tended and the presence of these led to several amusing incidents. One officer, for example, recalls with horror his predicament when a fair visitor spied him in the distance and rushed over to enquire the whereabouts of another officer, a mutual friend. The other officer, all unconscious of being in demand, was puffing and blowing beneath a shower not many yards distant. Firmly the first officer insisted that the mutual friend was miles away. Pointing with his stick he indicated some distant hills where, he explained, stern duty and the exigencies of the Service kept the latter at work. Mean- while he conducted the lady back to the main road, carefully main- taining some obstruction in the line of vision to the showers. “I thought I did it awfully well,” this officer tells the story, “but since _ then the lady has more than once referred to me as ‘tactful,’ so sometimes I wonder.”
[11]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Meanwhile the work of the Battalion had steadily progressed. The men had toughened and hardened from the open air life and were now as sunburned and healthy a lot as could be imagined. Constant shuffling of N.C.O.’s had taken place to insure that in each case the best man for the post had been secured. ‘These changes were effective in stimulating the ambition of the men and in keeping those N.C.O.’s already appointed from looking on their positions as secure. Each man had to work and show ability to get promotion and work still harder to keep from being reduced again.
About this time the authorized strength of the Battalion was increased to 1100 and that of the establishment of officers to 45. ‘About 150 men, in several parties, were absorbed from a British Columbia (East Kootenay) unit and amongst the new officers at- tached were a Paymaster, Capt. W. J. Taylor, of London, Ontario, and a Chaplain, Capt. A. M. Gordon, from Kingston.
Among the events of interest as the month drew to its close was a speech to all the officers of the camp by the Minister of Militia, Maj.-Gen. the Hon. Sam Hughes. The difficulties of the historian in describing an incident of this sort are exemplified in the present instance. One diary refers to this speech as “an inspiring address,” while another account states quite simply that the Minister called the officers of the whole camp together and “got off a blast of hot air.”
Be this as it may, the event was important as it marked the near approach of the day when the Contingent would sail. By this time the various units at Valcartier had been shuffled and re-shuffled to form the 1st Canadian Division. The 13th Battalion, Royal High- landers of Canada, now quite distinct from the 12th Battalion, found itself one of the four battalions constituting the 3rd Infantry Bri- gade, under the command of Col. R. E. W. Turner, WIG DSO. a veteran who had won distinction in South Africa. With the 13th in the Brigade were the 14th Battalion (Royal Montreal Regiment), composed of detachments from the Ist Regiment, Canadian Grenadier Guards, the 3rd Regiment, Victoria Rifles of Canada, and the 65th Regiment, Carabiniers Mont-Royal; the 15th Battalion (48th Highlanders) ‘Toronto, and the 16th Battalion (Canadian Scottish), made up of units from the Seaforth Highlanders (Van- couver), the Gordon Highlanders (Victoria), the Cameron High- landers (Winnipeg) and the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders
[12]
THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR
(Hamilton). This association, begun at Valcartier, lasted throughout the whole war.
In the meantime the process of equipping the 13th had continued and a Base Company, under Capt. F. P. Buchanan, had been estab- lished. All, therefore, was in readiness for H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught’s great review, which, it was generally realized, was a sign that the day of departure was near indeed. This review was most imposing. H.R.H. was accompanied by the Duchess of Con- naught, the Princess Patricia, Sir Robert Borden and many other notables. General Sam Hughes, who led the march past, had every reason to be proud of the force that, under his supervision, had developed so amazingly in a few short weeks. The units marched past in columns of half battalions in line, this being necessary to enable so large a force to pass the saluting point in the time avail- able. Even the Duke of Connaught, with his many years of service and his memories of reviews in all parts of the world, was impressed by the soldierly bearing and smart appearance of these troops, who, less than two months before, had little thought that a call for active service would ever come their way. It was with emotion that H.R.H. bade them farewell and wished them God speed.
Immediately after the review preparations began for the Con- tingent to embark. The censorship closed down tight and for some days Valcartier was cut off from communication with the outside world. All over Canada this was correctly interpreted to mean that the Division was on the move.
In so far as the 13th was concerned the move began on the even- ing of September 25th. On that date, exactly one month after the arrival of the Battalion in camp, the transport, under Capt. E. J. Carthew, marched for Quebec. On the following morning reveille sounded at 3 o'clock and all ranks put in a prompt appearance. Sharp frost had occurred during the night, but hard work soon warmed the men up. After an early breakfast the Battalion paraded and marched to the station, passing on the way Maj.-Gen. the Hon. Sam Hughes, who took the salute. While the weather on this oc- casion was not all that could be desired, the men were in excellent spirits and kept up a lusty chorus of song. These songs were many
and varied. Scotch songs predominated, as was fit and proper in
| % blush. “Tipperary” was, perhaps, the most popular of all. Noone f | >
a Highland Regiment, but there were English and Canadian songs
as well, and songs to which no nation would lay claim without a
[13]
knows why this trifling aan sions so sittagty: but the de re- mains that to this tune the “Old Contemptibles” poured across the © a Channel to their glorious end, while in all parts of the Empire the tune to this day brings to mind fleeting visions of the “original” a battalions. 3
In spite of the weather the 13th reached the station in time to entrain at 8 o'clock. By nine, or a little after, Valcartier had been left behind and the train was slowing down at the docks in Quebec.
CHAPTER II
The Voyage to England and Salisbury Plain
Shadow by shadow, stripped for fight
The lean black cruisers search the sea
Night long their level shafts of light
Revolve, and find no enemy.
Only they know each leaping wave
May hide the lightning and their grave. —A.rreD NoyEs.
I
N arrival at Quebec the Battalion, whose total strength is () given as 45 officers and 1,112 other ranks, proceeded to em- bark on R.M.S. Alawnia, of the Cunard Line, which had been requisitioned by the Government as a transport. This ship was commanded by Captain Rostron, R.N.R., who previously when in command of the Carpathia had made a name for himself by his work in saving lives from the ill-fated Titanic. With the 13th on board were the H.Q. of the 3rd Infantry Brigade, under Col. Turner, two companies of the 14th Battalion, Royal Montreal Regi- ment, under Lieut.-Col. F. S. Meighen, and A.S.C. Details (Div’l Train). Accommodation for officers and men alike was all that could be desired and throughout the voyage no complaints on this score were recorded. The men in particular fotind themselves in luxury, the soft bunks and the more varied food forming a sharp contrast to the less elaborate conditions they had become accustomed to.
The Transport of the 13th was not on board the Alaunia, it having joined other Transport on a different vessel. Lieut. Andrew Reford, however, made arrangements with the ship’s owners where- by eleven supernumerary horses, the property of officers of the
_ Battalion, were taken over with the unit. Difficulty was experienced
in negotiating this arrangement, but eventually the owners agreed _ to it and shelters for the horses were hurriedly constructed on the after deck.
[15]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
As soon as embarkation was completed the Alaunia pulled out from the dock and steamed slowly up stream to an anchorage off Wolfe’s Cove. This position she maintained for the next four days, during which officers and men were initiated into the mysteries of “routine at sea.” Three officers and fifty men were on duty all the time at the numerous sentry posts and other strategic locations which the “routine” indicated. Guards were mounted at 10 o’clock each morning and it was the duty of one subaltern, the “Officer of the Day,” to make frequent rounds day and night and report every two hours to the “Officer of the Watch.”
On the afternoon of September 30th a farewell message from H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught was read out and shortly afterwards the ship raised anchor and slipped slowly down the River. To all on board it was a very stirring moment. No one knew where the Force was going; all that was known was that it was leaving Canada for service somewhere overseas. Emotion was, of course, carefully concealed, but the man who did not feel it must have been a lump of clay indeed. On deck the pipe band burst into the strains of “Highland Laddie”’ and “Scotland the Brave,” while the men, as soon as the pipes were silent, joined in a mighty chorus of “O Canada” and “Auld Lang Syne.” Other transports were also on the move and from their decks, too, came great volumes of cheering and song.
Gathering speed the Alaunia proceeded down stream and in about an hour had reached a point where Quebec, with its towering Citadel, was lost to view in the gathering haze astern. Thus another of the milestones marking the Battalion’s progress was passed and left behind.
II
That night Lieut. Melville Greenshields was the victim of a practical joke played by his brother officers. In the endless talks that were always taking place Greenshields had stoutly maintained his lack of belief in the value of much of the routine laid down in orders. In particular he claimed that the constant rounds of the “Officer of the Day” were a sheer waste of time and in justification of his argument he pointed out that already the routine had been relaxed to the extent that this officer was now permitted to get some sleep during his twenty-four hour tour of duty. Greenshields was on duty on this particular night and announced that he intended,
[ 16]
4
ENGLAND AND SALISBURY PLAIN
while being available at a moment’s notice, to sleep soundly if no particular service were required of him. During the evening he received a “wireless” message, ordering him to see that all sentries were on the alert between 2 and 3.a.m. This, needless to say, was a “fake,” as Greenshields probably suspected, but his military con- science, more acute than he was willing to admit, forbade his ignor- ing it. If the sentries were not alert that night, their failure was not the fault of the “Officer of the Day.” He visited them regularly and, in the morning, accepted a storm of chaff with perfect com- posure. Always a popular officer, his sportsmanlike behaviour on this occasion advanced him still further in the regard of his comrades.
On October Ist a rumour circulated that a whole fleet of trans- ports was to rendezvous at Father Point and there await a naval escort. Considerable credence was given to this report, but the Alaunia passed Father Point and at night, when the troops turned in, she was still steadily steaming to an unknown destination.
Morning on October 2nd, however, gave the secret away. When the troops awoke and came on deck they gazed on a truly wonderful scene. Anchored in a great and beautiful bay, which turned out to be Gaspé, lay a large fleet of transports and warships. In the glory of the morning sunshine and in the shadow of the surrounding hills, the sight was too magnificent for ordinary powers of description. Men felt the impressive nature of the scene, but groped in vain for words to express their thoughts. Sea power, of which they had heard so much and knew so little, lay tangibly before them in a setting which, for sheer, rugged beauty, it would be hard to surpass.
All that day the ships lay at anchor, under the protection of the ever watchful cruisers. At night one of these latter patrolled the mouth of the Basin to make sure that no enemy approached.
On the following day Maj.-Gen. Sam Hughes visited the Alaunia to make his final adieu. On leaving he took with him a large bundle of letters which officers and men had written to their friends. Fearing that someone’s indiscretion might prejudice the safety ot the whole convoy, Gen. Hughes kept these letters under his control
_ till news reached him that the Contingent had arrived in England. -_ Once this news was confirmed, the letters were entrusted to the
mails and duly forwarded to their destinations. At 3 p.m. on Saturday, October 3rd, the thirty-one ships left [17]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Gaspé Basin and formed up in three columns outside. ‘The three columns were about a mile apart and each ship a quarter mile be- hind the one in front. Escort for the transports was provided by His Majesty’s Ships, Charybdis, Diana, Lancaster, Eclipse, Glory, Majestic and Talbot, the whole being under the command of Rear- Admiral R. E. Wemyss, C:MiG., M.V.O. At a later date the Battie Cruiser Princess Royal also assisted in securing the convoy’s safety. The speed of the whole fleet was not great, this being governed by the slowest vessel, which could not work up to more than about 10 knots.
On board the Alaunia, the fourth ship in the port line, a definite routine was at once established, the chief features of which were physical training, bayonet work, semaphore signalling and so on. Boxing and deck sports were also encouraged, while in the evenings lectures and concerts filled in the time till “lights out.”
On October 6th a buzz of excitement was caused by a report that the German cruiser Karlsruhe was in sight on the horizon. Like so many of its fellows, this report seems to have had no foundation whatsoever. Another stir of interest was caused when it was learned that a man had gone overboard from the Lapland. This individual was picked up by one of the ships that followed and was popularly reported to have explained his action on the ground that the Lapland had run out of cigarettes and he had hoped to get some elsewhere. About this time news of the fall of Antwerp was posted, also a false report that Russia was negotiating a separate peace and that a battalion of Territorials had suffered heavy losses. This latter bulletin, which seems to have been a practical joke, caused a good deal of indignation amongst the more serious minded of those on board. On October 9th H.M.S. Essex passed through the lines of ships at full speed and ‘Admiral Craddock, who was on board, signalled good wishes and God speed. Poor Craddock! he himself was destined to go down in battle before the men he signalled to had ever reached the front.
One of the problems that caused deep concern to the officers of the Contingent was the question of spies. Fear of the much vaunted German secret service put officers and men on their guard, with the result that, on the Alaunia, two men were arrested for suspicious behaviour. These were handed over to the authorities in England and were later publicly exonerated. A third man was discovered — with a list in his possession showing all the chief ports in the British i
[18]
ENGLAND AND SALISBURY PLAIN
Isles. Opposite each port was a name, apparently a code word for the port in question. For a while this case looked serious, but an enquiry disclosed that the whole affair was a lottery on the Alaunia’s destination. The “code” words proved to be the names of those sporting members of the Battalion who had purchased tickets. This man, of course, was released on the spot.
On the evening of October 13th land was sighted and the fol- lowing morning the Alawnia steamed into Plymouth Sound. Origin- ally it had been planned that the whole convoy would dock at Southampton, but the presence, or suspected presence, of German submarines off Southampton had caused these arrangements to be changed. The arrival of the Alaunia, several hours ahead of the other ships, was the first indication to the inhabitants of Plymouth and Devonport that theirs was to be the honour of welcoming the first contingent of troops from overseas. Right royally they rose to the occasion. As each ship arrived in port it was greeted by whistles, bells and storms of cheering. The local papers in describ- ing the event insisted that not since Drake defeated the Spanish Armada had the old town experienced such a thrill. Now another Armada had arrived, greater by far than Spain’s, but this time its mission was friendly and Plymouth gave it tumuituous welcome.
If the people on shore experienced a thrill, the men on the ships did likewise. What Britisher could sail past the ancient wooden
_ war ships that lay at anchor and refuse the tribute of at least a tiny _ shiver down his spine? ‘There they lay in all their glory, a symbol of the past and a good omen for the future. Gliding past them, _ the Alaunia proceeded up-stream and came to anchor off Devonport, _ where she was joined a little later by the Royal George, carrying the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry. All day the two _ ships lay side by side and in the evening many friendly visits were exchanged. ¥ The following day, October 15th, a message of welcome from | _ Lord Kitchener was read and in the evening disembarkation com- __ menced. When this was completed the 13th divided into two sections, one 682 strong and the other 472. These made their way _ through the city streets and were everywhere showered with gifts and accorded an enthusiastic reception. They entrained at different stations at 9.30 and 10.15 p.m. respectively. After travelling all night the two sections of the 13th arrived ‘at Patney Station at 3 a.m. and marched 10 miles over the rolling | [19]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
country of Salisbury Plain to camp at West Down South. This march, made with full kit, was trying, as the men had had no sleep and no breakfast. In addition, the nineteen days on board ship had softened them considerably. Despite these difficulties the sec- tions covered the distance in approximately 3 hours and 25 minutes, a creditable performance, considering the circumstances, for their first march on English soil.
III
On the arrival of the Canadians in England, command of the Division was assumed by Lieut.-Gen. E. A. H. Alderson, C.B., a distinguished British soldier, who had won an enviable reputation in India, South Africa, Egypt and elsewhere. Under his super- vision the units settled down to routine in the camps of Salisbury Plain.
West Down South, where the Royal Highlanders found them- selves, was a great contrast to Valcartier. The vast, rolling plains afforded as good, or better, facilities for drill, manceuvres and sham battles when dry, but provision for the comfort of the men in the matter of showers, water supply and sanitary arrangements was not to be compared with what had existed at Valcartier. In addition the soil at Valcartier was light, sandy and excellently drained, while it is to be feared that the Canadians’ recollection of Salisbury is chiefly one of mud. “Mud and rain,’ “rain and mud,” “more rain and more mud,” these phrases run like a_ re- frain through all the letters and diaries dealing with the time. “This is a God-forsaken hole and we are getting pretty sick of it. It is raining again to-day. Nothing but rain, mud and then more rain.” This extract from a letter, dated October 25th, shows that the Contingent was treated to bad weather almost from the start. On November 5th another correspondent refers to the subject again. “It has rained now for nineteen consecutive days and Winnipeg in the old days would be put to shame if it could see the mud here. It is making everyone miserable and hindering all work.”
In spite of the hindrance of the mud and rain, however, it must not be inferred that the units were idle. Routine activities and drills were carried on notwithstanding the handicaps. Apart from routine, one of the first steps taken by the 13th after settling down in camp was to establish friendly relations with the Black Watch.
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ENGLAND AND SALISBURY PLAIN
As has been mentioned, the 13th was affiliated with this famous Regiment through the 5th R.H.C. in Montreal. Desiring to pur- chase kilts, glengarries and badges of the approved Black Watch pattern, Col. Loomis detailed Capt. C. J. Smith to proceed to Scot- land, where these items would be more easily procurable. In ad- dition Capt. Smith was instructed to convey the Colonel’s greetings to such officers of the affiliated Regiment as were to be found at Regimental Headquarters. Proceeding to Perth Barracks in pur- suance of these instructions, Capt. Smith records that he was most hospitably received by Lieut.-Col. T. M. M. Berkeley and other Black Watch officers, while in Dundee Major John Vair presented him with 120 copies of a small Regimental History for distribution to officers of the 13th and to those men of the Battalion who would be interested in Regimental history and tradition. At a later date the Marchioness of Tullibardine, who had learned of Capt. Smith’s
_ Visit and its purpose, wrote to him and expressed the wish that she
: ay :
be allowed to equip the 13th with khaki hose tops. This offer the Battalion accepted, with deep appreciation of Her Ladyship’s interest. pe tahe
On October 22nd the 13th was reorganized into a “double company” battalion. Under this system the Battalion consisted of four companies instead of eight, that is to say two of the old com- panies were put together to form one of the new. The command of these new companies, Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, was given respectively to Major D. R. McCuaig, Capt. R. H. Jamieson, Capt. T. S. Mor- risey and Capt. W.. H. Clark-Kennedy. These had as seconds-in- command, Capt. L. W. Whitehead, Capt. K. 'M. Perry, Capt. C. J. Smith and Capt. H. F. Walker. The Base Company remained under the command of Capt. F. P. Buchanan and temporarily ab- sorbed those officers of the Battalion who, under the new arrange- ment, found themselves supernumerary to the authorized strength. Each of the new companies was divided into four platoons, under a lieutenant, with a platoon-sergeant as second-in-command. Each of the platoons in turn was divided into four sections, under the command of an N.C.O. This system was abandoned some weeks later, but was re-instated before the Battalion left for France and remained in force for the duration of the war.
On the day following the first try-out of the new drill the
_ Battalion, along with other units, paraded for inspection by Field-
Marshal Earl Roberts, V.C. This veteran, than whom none was [21]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
more popular, reviewed the troops with care and was accorded a warm hearted welcome.
On October 25th, at a church parade, Gen. Alderson introduced himself to the men of the 3rd Brigade and he, too, was heartily cheered. Shortly before this he had announced that the “dry” canteen system would be done away with and the “wet” canteen, customary in the British Army, established. The present book is no place in which to discuss the wisdom or otherwise of this move, which aroused no small controversy in Canada. Suffice it to say that amongst the troops, who, after all, were the people most vitally concerned, the move was a popular one.
Mention of the wet canteen leads at once to the question of the general discipline and behaviour of the troops while in England. Soon after arriving the 13th had serious trouble in regard to men absent without leave. These were invariably Old Countrymen who could not resist the temptation to revisit relatives and familiar scenes, without waiting for permission to do so. Well supplied with money, these men would cut a dash as long as their money lasted and then, as soon as it was gone, slip back to camp to accept punishment for their misdeeds. Practically all of them turned up sooner or later.
Meanwhile sinister rumours as to the discipline and behaviour of the force drifted back to Canada, where they caused no little anxiety. That these rumours were grossly exaggerated is now known, but that some foundation for them existed there is no at- tempt to deny. How the situation appeared at the time to an N.C.O. in the 13th is summed up in the following extract from a letter. “In reply to your letter, I will try to give you some dope, taking the points you raise in order. First, discipline in ours. This is varied. It is not good compared with the Regulars, but it is quite good all the same, and I have never yet heard of a man refusing to obey an officer’s order. ‘The Canadians as a whole have a frightful name all over the country for bad discipline, but that is earned by not saluting when on leave. But after all these things are not the important part of discipline. What is important is to get orders obeyed and that is done very well indeed.”
This whole question of discipline and behaviour caused, at a later date, some little feeling between the Ist Division and the men of the Contingents that followed. Some few of these latter adopted a “holier than thou” attitude and were wont to reproach the
) [22]
Se a
ENGLAND AND SALISBURY PLAIN
“originals” with the bad name they had left behind them. ‘T'radition has it that on one occasion a war worn veteran back in England on leave listened patiently to just such a tale of woe. “TI can tell you,” said the spotless newcomer, eyeing the veteran with disgust, “we are having a hard time to live down the reputation you fellows left in England.” “Oh well,” replied the veteran, “cheer up, you'll have a damn sight worse time living UP to the reputation we have in France.”
To return, however, to those autumn days on Salisbury Plain! On November 2nd the Battalion paraded for a full service-dress rehearsal of a review to be held two days later by His Majesty the King. The weather was atrocious, but all were anxious that the Division should make a good showing at the royal review, so the rehearsal continued in the pouring rain for over three hours.
On November 4th the Battalion paraded for the inspection previously rehearsed. On this occasion the weather was all that could be desired. -His Majesty, who was accompanied by Her Majesty the Queen, also by Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener, inspected the Division and had many of the officers presented to him. Afterwards he complimented Gen. Alderson on the showing the Division had made.
Following the royal review came a period of some weeks during which the activities of the Battalion call for no particular comment. The weather continued to be bad and work was carried on with difficulty, but, in spite of all, the spirit of the men was good and progress in training made. As is always the case when large bodies of human beings are gathered together, strange rumours sprang up from nowhere, flourished and were believed for a season, only to fade away and be forgotten in the light of official denial or official silence. One of the most popular and persistent of these myths was that things were going so well in France that the War Office dare not publish the details for fear of stopping recruiting. Mad as this report seems in retrospect, it was widely believed at the time. One strategist in the 13th quotes it in a letter home and comments on the probable nature of the concealed successes. “In my opinion,” says he, “they have probably cut the Germans’ communications in Belgium.” Unfortunately this opinion was wide of the mark. Four years were to intervene before the communications in question were even seriously endangered.
As November drew to a close there occurred several small in-
[ 23]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
cidents of interest to officers and men of the Battalion. Lieut. Gerald Lees received hhis captaincy as a reward for his hard work and efficient handling of his men, while Lieut. E. M. Sellon, for similar reasons, was appointed Battalion Scout Officer. Earlier in the month Lieut. L. de V. Chipman had been appointed Intelligence Officer.
On the 23rd of the month Col. Loomis detailed Major V. C. Buchanan and Capt. C. J. Smith to proceed to Aldershot to discuss with officers of the 9th Service Battalion, Black Watch, some further details of Regimental custom and equipment. ‘This trip was under- taken in a Ford car, a gift to the 13th from Lieut.-Col. Ross of the Parent Regiment in Montreal. The road proved somewhat longer than the envoys had expected, but they reached Aldershot eventually and were there most cordially received.
On November 29th the Battalion took part in a Divisional field day, which Gen. Alderson himself controlled by signals on a hunts- man’s horn. This method of conveying messages was new to Canadians and caused no little amusement to the rank and file. It worked well, however, and obviated the introduction of a more elaborate system.
St. Andrew’s Day, November 30th, was observed in the Battalion by special privileges and by a visit from the Colonel to the Sergeants’ Mess, where he partook of the hospitality provided. In the Officers’ Mess flags were hung for decoration, the Lion of Scotland occupying the central place. Here the celebration, it is recorded, was in true Scottish style and this can the more readily be believed from the fact that the diarist whose account is quoted has carefully dated his entry, “November 31st.”
With the advent of December weather conditions, which pre- viously had left much to be desired, became well nigh intolerable. Under the influence of almost incessant rain the camp turned into a night-mare of mud, thick, clinging mud from which there was no escape and in which the troops lived, ate, slept and had their being. Towards the middle of the month it became clear that the health of the men could not hold out under such miserable conditions. Ac- cordingly, on orders being received, the 13th struck camp at West Down South on December 18th and proceeded to huts at Larkhill. Living conditions were greatly improved by this move. Outside the rain continued and the mud was as bad as ever, but the huts were reasonably comfortable and cage the troops, as well as a place to
[ 24 ]
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sleep, an opportunity to dry their sodden clothes. Each hut was about 60 feet long and 20 feet wide, with one corner walled off for the sergeants. Approximately 40 men formed the complement of a hut, so that each man had room for his bedding and a little to spare, with a wide passage down the centre, this being kept clear according to one authority, “so that the drunks will not walk on anyone.”
Soon after settling down at Larkhill the Battalion began to pre- pare for the Christmas and New Year’s festivities. The first, and perhaps the most important, feature of these was that every man in the unit was granted leave at some time during the festive season, this leave varying from four to seven days in proportion to its distance from the actual dates of the two holidays. Thus half the Battalion, or thereabouts, was away from camp at Christmas, while the other half was in camp for Christmas, but away for New Year's. The two celebrations were similar in character, only the personnel being altered. On Christmas, dinner was, of course, the great event of the day. Each company prepared its own programme and, as is the custom in Highland regiments, officers dined with their respec- tive companies. Col. Loomis, accompanied by the Sergeant-Major and piped by the Pipe Major, visited every mess and at each was accorded a rousing reception. Following his departure, each party carried on with its pre-arranged programme till well on in the afternoon. In the evening the men were free to seek such recrea- tion as the camp provided and as suited their individual tastes.
During the early part of January, 1915, the work of the 13th was largely confined to making roads and improving conditions around the camp. This work was well in hand by the 10th of the month and the Battalion was accordingly enabled to resume its interrupted course of training. Towards the middle of the month great en- thusiasm was aroused by the announcement that the Canadian Division would proceed to France early in February. Simul- taneously orders were received for the Battalion to adopt the double company formation once more. This formation had been put into effect in the previous October, as already described, but had been abandoned in favour of the old eight company system some weeks later. Now it was restored and this time permanently.
With the prospect of active service not far away, the troops buckled down to work with ardour and enthusiasm. Discipline im- proved at once and several absentees, who apparently had kept in
[25]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
touch with developments, rejoined of their own accord and accepted without a murmur the heavy fines and other punishments awarded.
At about this time an outbreak of spinal meningitis in the camp threatened to postpone the date of the Division’s crossing to France. Prompt measures, however, checked the disease, but not before several deaths had occurred. In the 13th three men came down With meningitis and all three died. The only other death in the Battalion during its stay in England was that of a man who was killed by falling off a cart while absent from the camp without leave.
On February Ist the 13th took part in a Brigade route march to Stonehenge, returning to Larkhill about noon. At 2 p.m. Col. R. E. W. Turner, V.C., D.S.O., inspected the Battalion and trans- port and afterwards expressed his satisfaction as to the unit’s discipline and general appearance. Two days later Lieut.-Col. Loomis gave the Battalion a very careful inspection, in preparation for the second visit of His Majesty the King. Previous to this, orders had been received that the Division was to keep itself in readiness to move at short notice, so it was generally realized that just as the King had come on November 4th to bid the Contingent welcome he now came on February 4th to bid it farewell.
On the morning of the day in question the 13th paraded at 9.30 o'clock and proceeded to a position north of Bustard Camp, where the review was to be held. Soon afterwards the royal train steamed into a temporary platform close at hand, where His Majesty was met by General Alderson. As on the occasion of his previous visit, the King was accompanied by Field-Marshal Lord Kitchener and a numerous staff. After an inspection of the troops the royal party returned to the station platform and witnessed a march past of the whole Division. On this occasion a great improvement in the bearing of the troops was noted. At previous reviews they had
made a good showing for citizen soldiers; now their whole deport-.
ment closely approximated that of well drilled regulars. Obviously the four trying months on Salisbury Plain under the guidance of General Alderson’s skilled hand had not been entirely wasted. At the conclusion of the march past the troops of the Division lined the railway tracks and, in appreciation of the honour the King had paid them, gave the royal train as it steamed away a heartfelt roar of
cheers. 4 . For some days after the royal review the Battalion carried on
[ 26 ]
{ :
.
ENGLAND AND SALISBURY PLAIN
with routine training, waiting every minute to hear that orders to proceed to France had arrived. Divine Service for the whole unit was held in the Y.M.C.A. hut on February 7th, this marking the final appearance of Capt. A. M. Gordon as Chaplain of the Bat- talion, he having transferred to another unit. During his time with the 13th Capt. Gordon had worked untiringly for the welfare of the men and more particularly in the interests of those who were sick. Remembering his unselfish devotion to duty, the Battalion bade him farewell with sincere regret.
On February 10th the eagerly awaited orders for departure were at last given out. During the forenoon Brig.-Gen. R. KE. W. Turner, V.C., D.S.O. inspected the Battalion and photographs were taken of various groups and individuals. In the afternoon all ranks were busy clearing up the camp and preparing kit. In the case of officers kit was strictly limited to 35 pounds and Major E. C. Norsworthy, presiding at a scale, saw to it that this limit was not exceeded. The men’s kit and personal equipment was as follows:— 1 pr. trews, 1 pr. drawers, 1 undershirt, 1 shirt, 2 towels, 1 hold-all, con- taining soap, razor, etc., 1 balaclava, 3 prs. socks, 1 pr. boots, 1 house-wife and 1 greatcoat. In addition they carried strapped out- side, 1 blanket, 1 rubber sheet, 1 mess tin and 1 haversack, the last named containing a day’s ration, tobacco and so forth. Added to all these was a rifle and 150 rounds of ammunition, so that the whole weighed not much below 80 Ibs. As one man tersely put it, “Once in the army you become a blinking pack mule.”
At 7.30 p.m. the Left Half of the Battalion, under Lieut.-Col. Loomis, paraded and marched out of Larkhill to Amesbury Station, followed by the Right Half, under Major Norsworthy, half an hour later. The men were in great spirits and rejoiced to think that the long experience of Salisbury mud was at an end. Worse might lie before them, but this probability they were quite willing, even eager, to face. For what other purpose had they come thousands of miles across the sea? At Amesbury a number of relatives and friends had gathered to see the men off and wish them good luck. Two trains had been provided for the troops and the first of these pulled out about 11 p.m., the other following some twenty minutes later. No one knew for certain at what port the Battalion would embark, but the consensus of opinion at Amesbury Station was that the two trains were headed for Southampton. This seemed the most logical conclusion, but war takes little account of logic and soon after leav-
[27]
Lo asestuty those on BARRELS Relat cack P's, general westerly direction they were taking that reasoning had failed — them once more and that, wherever they were going, it was not to Southampton.
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Li : ala ’ ve
CHAPTER III
Over to France and Into Action
Give us a name to stir the blood
With a warmer glow and a swifter flood,
At the touch of a courage that knows not fear,— A name like the sound of a trumpet, clear,
I give you France! —Henry van Dyke.
I
ARLY on the morning of February 11th the men of the 13th kK Battalion discovered that Avonmouth was their destination.
When this port was reached, somewhat before dawn, they immediately detrained and started to board the s.s. Novian, which was awaiting them. Embarkation of men, horses and wagons was smartly carried out, after which the men were allowed to get some sleep.
In addition to the 31 officers and 1,002 men of the 13th, the Novian carried the Divisional Ammunition Column, with its com- plement of over 200 horses. Accommodation was naturally not to be compared with that which the 13th had enjoyed on board the Alaunia. Three small, 2-berth cabins were available for the senior officers, while the juniors made their beds on the floor of the little dining saloon. The men were huddled in three holds, packed more or less like the proverbial sardines, while between decks were the horses.
All that day the ship remained in dock and it was extraordinary how many of the officers found urgent reasons to justify leave ashore. This was granted in most cases, there being no reason why those not actually on duty should be retained on board. Similar privileges could not be extended to the men, who stayed on board sleeping, eating, playing cards and otherwise amusing themselves.
In company with other transports and under the protection of destroyers, the Novian sailed at dawn on February 12th, shaping a
[ 29 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
course towards the Lizard and the Bay of Biscay. In the evening a strong wind sprang up and by morning on the 13th this had developed into a rousing gale, which compelled the torpedo boats to seek shelter and forced Captain McCormack, of the Novian, to turn his bows into the wind to lessen the roll of the ship, which was endangering the lives of the horses. The decision to change course and proceed out to sea was wise and seaman-like, but its necessity was unfortunate from the point of view of the troops. Sea-sickness, that scourge of the ocean, had laid hold on these latter and, being no respecter of persons, was having its way with officers and men alike. Down in the crowded holds the scene was one to beggar description. Nine tenths of the men were ill, desperately ill, and no one could help them in their misery. In the dining saloon, where the officers were quartered, matters were only relatively better. On deck the armed guard of 12 men, posted to fire on any hostile submarine, stuck grimly to their task, but were too sick to fire a shot with any chance of hitting their target. Limply they hung over their rifles, coming to attention with a feeble attempt at a click when an officer, himself too sick to notice whether they clicked or not, paid them a formal visit. And still the ship headed determinedly out to sea! One company commander, re- turning from a tour on deck, found his berth occupied by a very miserable subaltern, whose distress had driven him to seek some refuge other than the crowded floor of the dining saloon. Pitying his junior’s condition, the company commander waived possession of the berth for several hours, but at last he himself fell a victim and was forced to claim his right.
On the following morning the wind still blew with terrific force, but after lunch it abated to some degree and the ship once more turned towards land. During the afternoon Capt. G. E. McCuaig, with a fatigue party, attempted to get some of the men up on deck for a breath of fresh air, but without appreciable results. The holds were in an awful condition, but the men were quite too sick to care. All that they asked was to be left alone.
During the voyage two menj of the 13th, who had deserted from the camp at Larkhill, turned up as stowaways on the boat. How they had learned from what port and on what boat the Battalion would sail was a puzzle, for, as will be remembered, even the officers of the Battalion had been in ignorance of these details when the unit marched from Salisbury Plain. Through the mysterious
[ 30]
FRANCE AND INTO ACTION
channels of information at the disposal of what might be called the “semi under-world” these men had kept in touch with the Battalion’s movements and, on the unit’s being ordered to France, had stowed away as the surest method of not being left behind. A court of enquiry held on board ship decided that, as a punishment for their desertion, they should be handed over to the military authorities in France, to be dealt with as the latter should see fit. Accordingly they were held under close arrest until France was reached and then handed over to the A.M.L.O. The latter, however, promptly handed them back again, assuring the Battalion that he was not interested in what he called its private affairs. This action on the part of the A.M.L.O. was viewed by the stow- aways with ill concealed delight. Though well aware that they would be severely punished, the decision meant that the Battalion must take them on its strength and carry them wherever it went. As they had deserted to escape the monotony of camp life and not to avoid the dangers of active service, they faced the certainty of punishment as infinitely preferable to the alternative of being left behind.
Meanwhile the Novian was still being tossed by the gale, but this had lessened appreciably and the vessel was making good time towards land. Morning of the 15th found the ship slipping into the outer harbour of St. Nazaire. Owing to congestion at the docks, she anchored in the outer harbour and remained there till late in the afternoon, much to the annoyance of officers and men, who had recovered from sea-sickness and were impatient to set foot on the soil of France.
II
Finally, a berth having been cleared, the ‘Vovian weighed anchor and crept through the narrow entrance into the inner harbour and to the dock, where a great crowd of French civilians and poilus gave her a noisy welcome. Oranges and other articles were hurled up onto the decks in token of good will, while the men of the 13th, not to be outdone in friendliness, tossed down coins and packages of cigarettes. The French soldiers, with their long bayonets and picturesque dress, were objects of respectful interest to the Cana- dians. It is more than probable that these particular poilus were lines of communication troops and had never seen the front, but _ to the newcomers they typified the men of the Marne and the Aisne
[31]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
and the cordial welcome they extended assumed all the importance that similar attentions from a sixth former mean to a new boy at school.
As soon as the vessel was docked, preparations to unload the horses and wagons began, but just at this moment the stevedores of St. Nazaire, who had general charge of the arrangements, went on something resembling a strike. Nothing deterred, the Highlanders promptly undertook the work themselves. Amongst such a large body of men individuals are always to be found with some know- ledge of almost any subject on earth. In this instance enquiry produced a couple of experts to work the donkey engine, which was soon hoisting the wagons out of the hold. Capt. T. S. Morrisey commanded the fatigue which had this task in hand and which, by working hard all night, accomplished it satisfactorily quite as soon as the stevedores could have done. Meanwhile another party, under command of Lieut. J. O. Hastings, was seeing to the landing of the horses. This operation was attended by some difficulty, as the horses, stiff and groggy after their knocking about at sea, had to be led down a steep incline from the level of the deck to the shore. Many of them slipped and rolled down, but this contingency had been foreseen and a pile of hay placed at the bottom to soften the final bump. Strange as it may seem, none of the horses was in- jured, nor did any of them seem to mind their falls. Perhaps their satisfaction in feeling firm ground beneath their feet once more outweighed any slight inconvenience they might suffer in reaching it.
Before the disembarkation of the Battalion proper, which took place the next afternoon, all ranks had issued to them the British sheep skin trench coat. At first the men were proud of these and wandered about with all the conscious importance of peacocks on parade, but eventually the fact that the coats were possessed of a diabolical smell could no longer be ignored. From the moment that this unfortunate attribute was discovered the popularity of the coats waned. What became of them is not clear. What be- comes of unpopular issues in the Army seldom is clear. They vanish like snow banks in the spring, imperceptibly at first, but none the less certainly for that and, when they have gone, no man can ever tell the exact manner of their going.
Following on the heels of a strong advance party, under the command of Capt. W. H. Clark-Kennedy, the Battalion disembarked
[ 32 ]
FRANCE AND INTO ACTION
from the Novian and lined up on the dock for the march through the streets of St. Nazaire to the railway station. Before giving the order to march, Lieut.-Col. Loomis called for three cheers for Captain McCormack and the officers of the Novian who, throughout the unexpectedly prolonged voyage, had done all that lay in their power to make things as comfortable as possible for both officers and men. In spite of sea-sickness, these efforts on the part of the sailor officers had not been unappreciated by the Highlanders and the cheers were given with a right good will.
Seven o’clock in the evening found the Battalion at St. Nazaire Station, entraining for the long journey to the front. A delay was experienced in rounding up a few individuals who had seized the opportunity to slip away and accept hospitality from the French civilians, but this was not serious and shortly after 7 p.m. the journey commenced.
For two days and two nights the train crept on its way, with occasional brief stops to give the troops a chance to get some food and to stretch their legs. This latter arrangement was almost as necessary as food, for the cars were of the typical box variety, known to fame as “40 hommes, 8 chevaux,”’ and allowed no space for even the most limited exercise. The route lay through Nantes, Rouen, Boulogne, Calais and St. Omer, thence to Hazebrouck, which was reached at 6.30 p.m. on February 19th.
The men were stiff and sore after the journey, but detrained smartly and started off without delay on a seven mile march to Flétre. At Caestre Capt. Clark-Kennedy met the Battalion and the march to Flétre was continued under his guidance. Rain was falling heavily by this time and the night was bitterly cold, but the men’s pulses were quickened and stirred by the fact that ahead of them the black sky was lit up from time to time by brilliant flashes, while low, but unmistakably, came the rumble of the distant guns. The front, that legendary region of unspoken hopes and fears, was now within sight and hearing.
On reaching Flétre billets were secured and the men turned in with as little delay as possible. Curiosity as to their surroundings would undoubtedly possess them in the morning; at the moment they were tired and wet and delighted to get a chance to sleep. Quiet, therefore, settled over the billets at a comparatively early hour.
Four days and five nights were spent at Flétre, the men occupied [ 33 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
in preparing themselves for the trenches. At this time the whole — front from Switzerland to the sea was practically deadlocked. The great battles of the previous autumn had long since died down and the clash of armies that would inevitably occur in the spring had not yet begun. Trench warfare was the order of the day and it was for this type of hostilities that the Highlanders made ready. On February 20th the Battalion was inspected at Caestre by the Commander-in-Chief, Field-Marshal Sir John French, who, in the little speech that customarily follows such events, expressed himself as well pleased with the Battalion’s general showing. On the following day the 13th, in company with the 14th, Royal Montreal Regiment, paraded for Divine Service in a field just near Flétre Church, Canon Scott, from Quebec, officiating.
At 8 a.m. on February 23rd the Battalion, acting as advance guard to the Brigade, marched from Flétre to Armentiéres. This town, which was reached at 2.30 p.m., was only about three miles - behind the actual front, but in spite of this, shops and cafes were open and there were many civilians about the streets. This was the first shelled town that the 13th had seen and the men were much interested in the damage the shells had caused. Billets for the men were provided in the civic workhouse, while the officers occupied houses immediately opposite.
On arriving in Armentiéres, the 13th Battalion was attached for instructional purposes to the 16th British Infantry Brigade, under the command of Brig.-Gen. Ingleby-Williams. This Brigade was composed of battalions from the Buffs, the York and Lancs., the Leicesters and the Shropshire Light Infantry and was holding a line of trenches on both sides of the Lille Road, about three miles S.E. of the town.
Brig.-Gen. Ingleby-Williams inspected the 13th in Armentiéres on the afternoon of February 24th and subsequently it was arranged that two companies of the Royal Highlanders should go into the line that same night for their first tour of instruction. In accord- ance with these arrangements, No. 1 Company, under Major D.. Ry McCuaig and No. 2 Company, under Capt. R. H. Jamieson, paraded at 6.15 and 6.30 p.m. respectively and proceeded into the line, guided by men of the 16th Brigade provided for the purpose. During this movement the Battalion suffered its first casualty, Private G. W. Eadle, of No. 2 Coy., being caught by a burst of fire and instantly
killed. [ 34 ]
FRANCE AND INTO ACTION
On February 25th No. 3 Company, which as the result of the reorganization due to the double company system was now under Major V. C. Buchanan, and No. 4 Company, under Capt. W. H. Clark-Kennedy, were given a similar short tour of instruction under one of the Imperial battalions. For some days after this one or another company of the 13th was always receiving instruction in the line, while the remaining companies, billeted in Armentiéres, were engaged in digesting the information already gained. Each com- pany was given three front line tours.
Describing the experience in the line, an N.C.O. writes, in part, as follows:— “We went in first with the Leicesters. We had a good place to enter the line, most of the way being protected by breastworks. When we got in I stuck my head over to see the enemy’s trenches and I certainly ducked it again pretty quickly— they seemed right on top of us and were really only 60 yards away. We came out at 5 a.m. and that same night went to other trenches, this time to those occupied by the York and Lancs. We had a harder time getting in, as the communication trench was filled with water and we had to keep in the open. ‘There was a full moon shining and the Germans spotted us and gave us a regular hail of bullets. Our fellows acted splendidly under fire and we got in without anyone being hit, much to the surprise of the Yorks, who had been watching us. These trenches were even better than the first ones, being 400 yards from the enemy. We stayed there 24 hours and coming out the moon was hidden, so we were quite safe.”
It was really marvelous how much the Battalion learned in these short tours. Officers and men alike were as keen as could be and the Imperial troops were delighted to teach all that they them- selves knew. The system of instruction was to attach a section of the Canadians to a platoon of the English and for everyone then simply to carry on. In this way the newcomers learned trench routine. Almost before they were aware of it, they knew about the posting of sentries, the screening of fires, the establishment of listening posts, the issuing of rum and so forth. In addition they acquired much information about ration parties, wire cutters, loop holes, ammunition, engineering material, bombs, bayonets, trench sanitation and all the scores of things that are of vital import when
y men gather in opposing ditches to do one another to death.
For the most part the trenches in which the 13th received their [ 35 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
first instructions were very quiet ones. ‘They were of the breast- work variety, that is to say built up from the ground, not dug down into it, and were comparatively dry and comfortable. All these favourable circumstances contributed to the rapidity with which the Battalion learned its lessons, but more important still was the kindly attitude of its Imperial hosts. Of the courtesy received at the hands of officers and men of the 16th Infantry Brigade, the Highlanders have preserved a lively appreciation. While this applies without exception to all units of the Brigade, particular pains in instructing the new troops would seem to have been taken by Major Bayley, Lieut. Sim and Company Sergt.-Major G. P. Munsen, of the York and Lancs, the services of these officers being gratefully acknowledged in the official diary of the 13th Battalion.
Reference to the Battalion’s official diary tempts the historian to comment on a curious coincidence that came to his notice while checking the diary over. In February, 1915, the officer entrusted with the task of keeping this record makes his entries with metic- ulous care until he comes to February 27th. On the 27th he has neatly written the word “June,” instead of “February,” and on that date, June 27th, he was killed in action sixteen months later. In recording this fact there is no desire to endow it with undue sig- nificance. The entry is as described and the coincidence is of interest, or of no interest at all, depending entirely on the individual point of view.
During the time that the 13th was receiving instruction from the units of the 16th Brigade, the remaining battalions of the Canadian Division were being similarly trained by other formations belonging to the 3rd British Corps, then commanded by Lieut.-Gen. Sir Wil- liam Pulteney. How carefully their behaviour under fire was being watched the Canadians little guessed, but it is a fact that keen eyes made note of what happened and reported at length to higher powers who required the information lest new and inexperienced troops be entrusted with tasks beyond their strength. To the fact that these reports were highly favourable, Sir John French, in his despatch of April 5th, has given witness.
Accordingly in the early days of March it was announced that the Canadian Division was considered fit to take over a section of the line. Little time was lost in putting this move into effect. On March 3rd the 13th Battalion formed up in the Mairie Square in
[ 36 ]
99
aaa
A a i TE me
FRANCE AND INTO ACTION
Armentiéres and marched, via Erquinghem and Bac St. Maur, to Sailly-sur-la-Lys, thence to billets in Rouge de Bout. These billets were in shell torn barns and were not comfortable, but the troops, excited by the prospect of holding a line of their own, were in no mood to find fault. ‘
On the following morning the Battalion paraded in a field and was addressed by Lieut.-Gen. E. A. H. Alderson, G.O.C. the Division. Briefly, Gen. Alderson referred to the work that lay ahead and frankly he told the Battalion what was expected of it. Summed up, his instruction to the Highlanders was that, no matter what happened, they must hold the trenches entrusted to them re- gardless of the cost.
Meanwhile the position to be held by the Canadians had been selected and relief of the 7th British Division was actually under way. This move brought the Canadian Division into the line in a position extending roughly in a north easterly direction from the Sailly-Fromelles Road to the ‘Touquet-Bridoux Road, with an over- lap of some hundreds of yards at either end. On the left of the Canadians was the 19th Brigade of the 6th British Division and on their right the 15th Brigade of the 8th British Division, so that for their first experience in a line of their own, their flanks were held by troops both tried and true.
On the night of March 6th the 13th Battalion moved up into the line, replacing the 16th Battalion, Canadian Scottish, which had previously taken over from the British. Nos. 1, 2 and 3 Companies went into the front line, while No. 4 Coy. was held in Battalion Reserve a short distance back. ‘The front line in this locality was not a trench line in the generally accepted sense of the term, but rather an irregular series of trenches and strong posts linked to- gether to form a front. The Battalion occupied this line for three days and did a great deal of work, in conjunction with the Engineers, in repairing parapets and digging communication trenches, with a view to making the isolated posts more accessible. This work, of course, was done at night, to take advantage of the protection that darkness afforded. ‘That the Battalion was new to trench life was evidenced by several incidents during the tour. On one occasion Lieut.-Col. Loomis, while making an inspection of the posts at night, was horrified to notice that his guide was calmly smoking a cigarette, the glowing end of which invited disaster from the
: _ German trenches across the way. A blast of wrath descended on
[ 37 |
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
the head of this luckless wight and no doubt convinced him that the orders regarding this particular offence were not a mere formality.
During the three days of the tour the Battalion was subjected to sporadic shelling and fairly heavy rifle fire. No officers were hit, although Lieut. C. B. Pitblado had a close call when a bullet, missing his head by the fraction of an inch, tore its way through his glengarry. The men of the Battalion were not so fortunate, Privates A. T. Knight, G. Townsend, J. A. McConochie, J. Mon- tanelli and J. B. Twamley being killed on March 7th and Private J. Fowler on March 8th.
On the night of the 9th the Battalion was relieved and marched back to billets at Point de la Justice, in Divisional Reserve. Here the unit was held for several days, pending the outcome of the Battle of Neuve Chapelle, the roar of which was distinctly heard from the south. Had this British attack proved a success, the result would have been to involve the Canadian Division in the advance, but this consequence was not attained.
On March 13th the Battalion re-entered the trenches for another 3-day tour. The weather was all that could be desired and at nights a great deal of work was done in strengthening the position and building protection against enfilade fire. Owing to the peculiar nature of the front line the problem of enfilade was annoying. On one occasion five men in a post towards the right front were simul- taneously wounded by fire of this description, Piper D. Lawson dying of his wounds shortly after. Four other privates were killed during the tour and several wounded.
What casualties were inflicted on the Germans is, of course, unknown, but testimony that the Canadians endeavoured to make themselves a nuisance is given in the following letter :—- “We had one game which annoyed the Germans very much. They cook on regular stoves with chimneys and all. In the morning we could see the smoke rising and another corporal and myself would get at a loop hole each, with a third man with a periscope to watch re- sults. We would then cut the top off their sandbags and scatter dirt all over them as well as over their breakfast. Also we would plunk their chimney on the chance of a ricochet.”
At the extreme left of the Battalion front was a stream, marking the boundary between the 3rd and 2nd Brigades. This little brook provided excellent water and on one occasion, to quote another
[ 38 ]
ee
FRANCE AND INTO ACTION
letter, ‘‘a couple of fellows were down getting a supply of water when one of them saw a fish in the stream and flopped it out. An eighteen inch pike caught in a trench!— the best fish story I’ve ever heard, but absolutely true. I know, because I had some of the fish for dinner, and it was fine.”
At the conclusion of the tour the 13th was relieved and proceeded to billets in Rue du Bois. Here the Battalion rested for several days, “rested” being used in the Army sense, where almost any change of work is called a rest.
On the night of the 19th the Battalion moved up once more. A feature of the tour that followed was the demolition of an ad- vanced post, known as No. 6, by a party under the command of Capt. C. J. Smith. This post, which had become valueless owing to improvements in the trenches behind it, was only about 250 feet from the German line, so that the work of demolition had to be carried out very quietly. By means of a chain of men lying in the mud, materials were passed up and the job completed in two nights’ work. To the credit of ‘all concerned this was accomplished without a casualty. During the four day tour casualties were light, although a few men were wounded and Private A. Auld killed.
Relief of the Battalion took place on the 23rd and the next day the men enjoyed a bath and change of underclothing at Bac St. Maur. On the afternoon of the 26th the Battalion marched seven miles to reserve billets near Estaires. During the march it is recorded that a new song, afterwards very popular, made its first appearance :
“T want to go home, I want to go home The Germans shoot dum-dums, I don’t like their roar, I don’t want to go to the front any more,
Oh my! I don’t want to die I want to go home.”
This little ditty, with many variations, improvements and _ local touches, remained in vogue throughout the whole war.
For eleven days the 13th remained at Estaires, busily engaged in drilling, route marching and practices of all kinds. On the afternoon of March 29th a party of 200 men paraded under Capts. K. M. Perry, C. J. Smith and H. F. Walker and was conveyed in wagons to a point south of Wangerie, which is due north of Neuve [ 39 |
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Chapelle. Here each man was provided with a pick and shovel and the party was put to work digging assembly trenches for a projected attack. This work was urgent and the men were kept hard at it till 1 a.m., when they were succeeded by a similar party from the 14th Battalion.
On April 3rd the Highlanders held a sports day, the scene of the contests being a large field close to the Battalion billets. A varied programme was run off in which Private Whetter, of the Machine Gun Section, secured the prize for the best aggregate score. No, 2 Coy. won the tug-of-war. On the following day the Battalion paraded for Divine Service in Estaires and on the 6th it was inspected by the Commanding Officer. On this occasion the men wore for the first time an issue of khaki aprons, a gift to the Battalion from W. M. Mitchell, Esq., of Bristol, England.
The next day the Battalion paraded at 6.20 a.m. and marched 16 miles to billets in Terdeghem, a village near the town of Cassel. Flere, on the morning of the 10th, the 3rd Brigade was inspected by General Sir H. Smith-Dorrien, G.O.C. the Second British Army, of which the Canadian Division was now a part. General Smith- Dorrien complimented the officers of the Brigade on the work that the Division had already accomplished and added that the Canadians were soon to proceed to a lively part of the line. Just how lively the line in question was to prove the General himself had probably never imagined.
| 40 |
CHAPTER IV The Second Battle of Ypres
Tower of Ypres, a little slept your glory Lips again are busy with your name
Ypres again is famous in our story
Ypres of Flanders, wrapt in blood and flame.
—EveERARD OWEN. I
N April 15th, the Royal Highlanders commenced the march
() towards that “lively” area of which Gen. Smith-Dorrien had
spoken. From the direction taken it soon became obvious
that the Battalion was headed for some part of the famous Ypres
Salient, which, even at that comparatively early date, possessed an evil and sinister reputation.
Marching from Terdeghem after lunch, the 13th proceeded a distance of about six miles to Abeele, and billeted for the night. In the morning the Battalion moved back to a point where motor busses awaited it. These London busses, still bearing the signs and advertisements of pre-war days, provided the men of the Bat- talion with much amusement. Those unfortunates whose avoirdu- pois seemed a little excessive had their attention called to the benefits they would derive if only they would wear Somebody-or- other’s weight reducing corsets. In turn the brawny amongst the rank and file pleaded with their tormentors to use Someone-else’s Malted Milk, which the advertisement promised, ““Makes Puny Men Strong.”
Proceeding through Poperinghe, the omnibuses conveyed the 13th to Vlamertinghe, where the Battalion disembarked and marched through Ypres to St. Jean. Here three companies of the Highlanders went into billets as Brigade Reserve, No. 4 Coy. pro- ceeding to St. Julien as Brigade Support.
Three days were passed in this location, during which prepara- tions were made for taking over a part of the line. Owing to St. Jean being under direct observation from the enemy, the men were confined to billets during the day and devoted their time to care of rifles and equipment, to writing letters, playing cards and so on.
[41 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
On the night of Wednesday, April 21st, the 13th Battalion moved up into the line and took over a series of breastwork trenches from the 14th Battalion, Royal Montreal Regiment, the men little dream- ing as they accomplished the relief that they were about to write a glorious page in Canadian history. Apart from an unusually severe shelling of Ypres during the afternoon, nothing had indicated that behind the German lines a blow was being prepared such as had never fallen in civilized warfare, and one which its originators hoped would carry them victoriously to Calais and the English Channel. As has been stated, however, no sign of all this had appeared when the Highlanders took over from the R.M.R. The night as a matter of fact was almost suspiciously quiet.
In view of what happened the next day, it is necessary that the situation in which the Battalion found itself be described and the disposition of the companies made clear. The Canadian Division held a line, 4250 yards in length, extending in a north-westerly direction from the Ypres-Roulers Railway to a point some fifty yards beyond the Ypres-Poelcappelle Road. The extreme left of this line was held by the 13th Battalion. Beyond the 13th to the left were French coloured troops (Turcos), while on the right flank was a battalion of their own brigade, the 15th (48th High- landers) from Toronto. No. 1 Coy., under Major D. R. McCuaig, who had with him Capt. L. W. Whitehead, Capt. H. F. Walker, Lieut. Melville Greenshields and Lieut. C. B. Pitblado, held the left of the 13th front, from the point where it joined the Turcos to a point some 150 yards to the right of the Poelcappelle Road, making approximately 200 yards in all. The next section of the Battalion front was held by No. 2 Coy., under Capt. R. H. Jamieson, whose officers were Capt. K. Mi. Perry, Lieut. I. M. R. Sinclair, Lieut. A. Worthington, Lieut. A. M. Fisher and Lieut. E. M. Sellon. This section was separated from that held by No. 1 Coy. by an open gap nearly 100 yards long, through which ran a small stream. The third, and right, section of the front was held by No. 4 Coy., under Capt. W. H. Clark-Kennedy, with whom were Capt. Gerald Lees, Lieut. W. S. M. MacTier and Lieut. S. B. Lindsay.
No. 3 Coy. was in support, two platoons in trenches about 400 yards to the rear of No. 1 Coy’s. position and two platoons at Battalion Headquarters in St. Julien. With the former were Major E. C. Norsworthy, O.C. the Firing Line, Capt. Guy Drummond and Capt. C. J. Smith, while with the platoons in St. Julien were Major
[ 42 ]
SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES
V. C. Buchanan, Capt. T. S. Morrisey, Lieut. C. N. McCuaig and
Lieut. F. S. Molson. Lieut. J. G. Ross commanded the Machine Gun Section.
Battalion Headquarters, as has been mentioned, was in St. Julien, under Lieut.-Col. Loomis, who, in addition to guiding the fortunes of the 13th, was designated Town Commandant of St. Julien. With him was Capt. G. E. McCuaig (Adjutant) and Major E. R. Brown, the M.O. Lieut. J. O. Hastings and Lieut. C. L. Cantley, commanding respectively the Transport and Quarter- master’s stores, were in Ypres on the Canal.
Such, then, was the disposition of the Battalion on the morning of April 22nd. Dawn breaking on that date revealed to the men that, in spite of work hard done by the 14th and by themselves, the trenches they were holding were rather flimsily constructed. Ex- cept for the gap already mentioned, there was a continuous parapet of sandbags, but this was too thin to be bullet proof and was chiefly useful as a screen from view. ‘There was practically no parados, few traverses existed and no shell proof dugouts at all, this last condition being accounted for by the fact that any attempt to dig down was frustrated by the presence a few inches below the surface of water and hastily buried bodies.
In contrast to these discouraging features, the wire was ex- cellent and the machine gun posts, on the evidence of the Machine Gun Officer, all that could be desired. Fifty to seventy-five yards away were the Germans who, during the morning and early after- noon, showed few signs of activity. An occasional rifle shot and spasmodic machine gun fire was all that indicated their existence.
About 3 p.m., however, these peaceful conditions changed and the Germans prepared to launch the blow which the previous inac- tivity had served to mask. The opening of their great attack was heralded by a terrific bombardment of the Canadian line and of the French line to the left. In so far as the 13th was concerned, this fell with particular severity, not on the front line, but on the trenches immediately to the rear, where Major Norsworthy and the two platoons of No. 3 Coy. were in support. After suffering severely, Norsworthy notified Major McCuaig, of No. 1 Coy., that
to avoid unnecessary losses he was withdrawing his men a short
distance, but that he would remain in support and would come up at once, should the companies in the line require assistance. Shortly
[ 43 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
after this telephone communication was cut, and McCuaig found himself in command of the three companies in the line.
After two hours of heavy shelling, the Germans launched a great wave of chlorine gas. This was a weapon new to civilized warfare and against it the Allies had no protection whatsoever. Rolling across the open fields this gasping horror fell with all its force on the trenches of the Turcos to the Canadians’ left. Ele- ments of the 13th also received a whiff of this hellish brew, but the poor Turcos suffered its full effects. Blinded and choking they fell in agony and perished miserably. Those who escaped the first discharge waited for no more. A horrible green death, against which courage availed a man nothing, had fallen upon their com- rades and they themselves had barely escaped. So they turned and fled, and no man has been found to blame them.
Unaware of just what had happened, but uneasy because of reports from his left that the French were in retreat, McCuaig decided to visit the French trenches to investigate, giving orders to No. 1 Platoon, under Capt. Walker, to follow him. This visit revealed an alarming situation. Following the wave of gas, the Germans had launched a series of attacks and these had penetrated through the broken French lines on a front several miles in width. Continuing his investigations, McCuaig found that a remnant of the Algerians (Turcos) were holding a breastwork, running back at right angles from their original trenches, and were exchanging a brisk fire with the Germans, who had occupied a parallel hedge. As there was not sufficient cover to prolong the French line, McCuaig instructed Capt. Walker to withdraw his platoon, which had just come up, and to take a position in echelon to the Algerians in the ditch of the Poelcappelle Road. ‘This road, as will be remembered, cut through the front line at right angles and by lining it McCuaig faced some of his forces square left, to meet the flank attacks which his observations indicated were bound to develop from that quarter.
Meanwhile, in order to steady the T'urcos, who showed signs of panic, McCuaig compromised on his order to No. 1 Platoon and instructed two sections to remain where they were, while the balance carried out the original order to line the Poelcappelle Road, being reinforced by No. 3 Platoon, under Lieut. Greenshields, and sub- sequently by part of No. 4 Platoon.
About 6 p.m. a salvo from a battery in the rear made four direct hits on the Highlanders’ trenches, causing a dozen or more casual-
[ 44 ]
SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES
ties. This occurrence showed McCuaig that his position was a desperate one, as it indicated that the Germans were firing captured guns from his left rear.
This deduction was eventually proved to be correct. Having broken through the French lines on a wide front, as already described, the Germans had swung in towards the Canadians’ flank and were making some progress in the general direction of St. Julien. This brought the enemy into contact with Major Nors- worthy and the two platoons of No. 3 Coy. in support, or rather the remnant of these platoons, which had suffered severely in the opening bombardment.
Inspired by the gallant leadership of Major Norsworthy and Capt. Guy Drummond, the men of the supporting platoons fought a dauntless fight. Every moment was precious and no one can estimate the value of the time that was gained by the delay this devoted effort caused to the Germans. But even sublime courage can not withstand fire and steel. Overwhelmed at last, Norsworthy and Drummond fell and such of their men as had not been killed were, with a few exceptions, surrounded and captured. Amongst the exceptions were Private Telfer and five other men, who made their way through to the front and reported to McCuaig the disas- ter that had befallen his supports.
The forward position was a very unenviable one. At 9 p.m. the Germans dislodged the Turcos from their advanced breastwork and drove them back in disorder. Some 200 of them, however, rallied on the Highlanders and reinforced the line along the Poel- cappelle Road, also helping to construct a parados for the original front line, where, owing to the absence of proper protection, losses had been very heavy. In this work, under the direction of Capt. Whitehead and Sergt.-Major Ableson, the Turcos rendered valuable assistance.
Meanwhile a platoon from No. 2 Coy. and one from No. 4 Coy. had been added to the force lining the road, while Lieut. J. G. Ross, the Battalion Machine Gun Officer, had further strengthened this position by detailing to it two of his guns, commanded respec- tively by Sergt. Trainor and Lance-Corp. Parkes. These N.C.O’s. took up positions on the Road itself, using as cover a few paving blocks which they managed to pry up and place in front of them.
Hardly had these preparations been completed, when the Ger- mans pushed forward to the attack. This effort was stubborn [45 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
and conducted with no little courage, but it eventually broke down before the determined resistance that was opposed to it, as did several other attacks no less courageously pushed. Fighting with their backs to the wall the Highlanders could not be overcome unless annihilated.
All night the defence was maintained under a veritable storm of rifle fire, to which, in spite of the danger of an ammunition shortage, the 13th made reply, as it was necessary to disguise from the Ger- mans the weakness and inadequacy of the little force opposed to them.
About midnight McCuaig received a message from Lieut.-Col. Loomis directing him to use his own discretion as to his dispositions. This was in reply to a report that had been sent off shortly before dark and the delay was due to the great difficulty encountered by the runners in getting through. One of these, in fact, never got through at all, being intercepted and killed by the Germans far back of the original front line.
In accordance with Col. Loomis’ orders, which left the move- ments of the troops in the line to his own judgment, McCuaig held a consultation with Capts. Jamieson and Clark-Kennedy, as a result of which it was decided that, if reinforcements failed to arrive before dawn, the line of the Road would be evacuated and a new line, about three hundred yards in the rear of, and parallel to it occupied. This new line provided a better field of fire than the old one and in any event McCuaig did not believe that the line of the Road could be put in a proper state of defence. A further consideration was that by the retirement the front would be short- ened and thus about 100 men would be saved to fill the gaps in the line. Accordingly Capt. Jamieson was instructed to set under way the construction of the new position.
Just before dawn, no reinforcements having arrived, orders were issued for the withdrawal and this was successfully carried out, Lieut. Ross covering the movement with a machine gun, under Sergt. Trainor, and a dozen men, under Corp. W. E. Macfarlane. _
Having accomplished its work, this small party was about to retire when word was passed along that reinforcements had ar- rived. These consisted of two platoons of No. 3 Coy., under Capt. C. J. Smith, and “B” Company of the 2nd Battalion of the Buffs, under Capt. F. W. Tomlinson, the whole under command of Major V. C. Buchanan, who, as a result of the death of Major Norsworthy,
[ 46 ]
SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES
was now Second-in-command of the 13th Battalion. The arrival of these reinforcements acted like a tonic on the weary troops in the front line and inspired the utmost confidence.
On his arrival Major Buchanan assumed the command of the firing line that up to this time had been held by Major McCuaig. The latter informed Buchanan as to the details of the situation and, after a consultation, it was decided that McCuaig, with the remains of his own company and the company of the Buffs, should re- occupy the line that had been abandoned. ‘This move was carried out without the enemy realizing what had happened.
Shortly afterwards, at the point where the trenches crossed the Road, the Germans tried a ruse-de-guerre. A number of figures, apparently wearing French uniforms, but indistinct in the early morning light, appeared in rear of the French trenches, calling out, “We are the French.” McCuaig, Capt. Tomlinson of the Buffs and a French officer were present and, receiving no satisfactory replies to their shouted questions, ordered their troops to open fire. To this the alleged French at once replied.
This incident marked the beginning of a long day of heavy casualties. Rifle fire poured in on the Battalion from three sides and the German shelling, directed by aeroplanes, was heavy and effective. About 9 a.m. casualties along the Road became so fre- quent that it was decided to abandon this position and retire into the trench line proper. This helped matters a little, but, as the trenches themselves had been badly battered and provided little pro- tection against enfilade fire, the stream of wounded continued. These were passed along to the right and evacuated through the lines of the 15th Battalion. In facilitating the passage of these casualties, Capt. K. M. Perry, who improvised stretchers, using tarpaulins, wire and sticks, rendered most valuable service.
Meanwhile Lieut. Ross with his machine guns made a determined effort to cut down the enfilade fire that was causing the Battalion such heavy losses. Accompanied by Lance-Corporal Fred Fisher, who had already rendered exceptionally distinguished service, he crawled out a shallow trench and, setting up a gun, was about to open fire when Fisher was shot dead. A moment later Sergt. McLeod, who had taken Fisher’s place, was killed in the same way. Leaving this particular gun, Lieut. Ross crawled to a spot where ___ he ordered Lance-Corp. Parkes and Private Glad to set up another gun and open fire. From this location he “got the drop” on the a [ 47 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
most bothersome of the opposing trenches and maintained his superiority for the rest of the day.
In spite of the measure of relief afforded by this partial pro- tection from enfilade, the day was a bad one for the men in the line. They were short of food and water and dangerously short of ammunition. In addition they were shelled continuously and were cut off from all communication with the rear. Twice during the day the enemy, supposing that the defence had been beaten down, came over to occupy the demolished trenches and twice, with rifle and machine gun fire, the Highlanders drove him back. Each time he took his revenge by calling on his artillery to wipe the 13th trenches off the map. Each time his artillery complied with a storm of shells which, they judged, would utterly subdue the stubborn defence. Each time, however, when the storm had passed, the defence failed to admit itself appreciably weaker.
All this time communication with the rear remained completely cut, while communication between the companies themselves was extremely difficult. Volunteer runners, however, maintained the inter-company communication all day. Sniped at and under heavy shell fire, they ducked and dodged and wormed their way through, carrying the messages that were so vitally important. In this work Corp. B. M. Giveen and Lance-Corp. J. J. Campbell rendered ser- vices that were especially meritorious.
About 5 o’clock in the afternoon Capt. Clark-Kennedy, of No. 4 Coy., returned to the front line after a daring expedition, as a result of which he had got through to Col. Loomis and to Brigade Headquarters. He brought back with him orders from Headquarters instructing Major Buchanan to evacuate the line he was then hold- ing and to take up a new line, running to the rear from the point where his present line joined that of the 15th Battalion on the right.
In accordance with these instructions orders were issued to bury the Battalion’s dead and evacuate the wounded. In both of these difficult tasks Capt. L. W. Whitehead rendered devoted service.
At 10 p.m., after most of the wounded had been evacuated to the lines of the 15th Battalion on the right, the companies of the 13th started to move, carrying the balance of the wounded with them, and almost immediately the Germans, sensing the move, launched a series of vicious attacks from the front, rear and left flank.
For a while these attacks rendered the situation of the High- landers extremely precarious. Loaded down as they were with a
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considerable number of wounded, their retreat was of necessity distressfully slow, while they had exhausted their supply of grenades and were in consequence unable to cope with the German bombing parties, who harassed them unmercifully. But for the gallant work of a small rear guard, under the command of Lieut. C. B. Pitblado, assisted by Lieut. Melville Greenshields, and supported by Lieut. J. G. Ross, it is almost certain they would have been completely overwhelmed. As it was, the attacks were eventually beaten off and the retirement painfully continued.
At this point it seems fitting to acknowledge the splendid services of Capt. Tomlinson and his company of the Buffs. From the mo- ment of their arrival on the morning of the 23rd they rendered loyal and courageous assistance. During the retirement now being described they displayed marked courage and coolness, in fact at no time during their association with the 13th did they fail to meet any call, no matter how severe, that was made on them. The Royal Highlanders would deeply regret if by any mischance adequate recognition were not afforded to the gallantry these troops displayed.
During the night of the 23rd a fine piece of work was carried out by Lieut. J. O. Hastings and his men of the Transport Section, who came right up to the front line from Ypres and brought with them rations, ammunition and, most welcome of all, water. Lieut. Hastings personally supervised the issuing of the water, which was contained in sheepskin bags, and saw to it that each company re- ceived a fair share. In view of the heavy shelling of roads and all the difficulties, this feat of the Transport Section was considered to be worthy of the highest commendation.
Dawn on April 24th found the men of the 13th Battalion in the position to which they had retired the night before. Starting from the point where the new line pivoted on the flank of the 15th Bat- talion, the companies were disposed from right to left as follows: the Buffs and then the companies of the 13th in numerical order. The left flank, extending towards St. Julien, was held by No. 3 Company of the 14th R.M.R., under Major Gault McCombe. ‘To the left
of these again was a single platoon of the 13th, under Lieut. S. _ B. Lindsay, while his left was held by three companies of the 7th
pat als Pe
Canadian Battalion. Beyond these was a mixture of units hur-
riedly pushed forward to meet the menace the German break through
had caused.
Soon after daybreak the Germans again used gas, which fell [ 49 |
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
with particular severity on the trenches of the 15th Battalion to the right, and followed this with another intense bombardment, wrecking the shallow trenches that had been dug and causing further losses. Under cover of this shell fire the enemy infantry worked closer and closer, endeavouring to rush the remnant of the Highlanders and administer the coup de grace.
It was at this stage of the struggle that Capt. Gerald Lees was killed and Capt. L. W. Whitehead fatally wounded. Both these officers had displayed resource and courage and their loss to the Battalion was a heavy one.
About 9 a.m. Major Buchanan decided that, as a result of the unit on his right having been forced to retire, his position was no longer tenable and orders were issued to the companies to fall back to a location some distance in the rear, taking advantage meanwhile of every bit of cover to harass and impede the German advance.
Through some unfortunate error this order did not reach Mc- Cuaig, of No. 1 Coy., nor Tomlinson, of the Buffs, till the retirement had actually begun. McCuaig, finding that his only way back was across fifty yards of open ground, realized that his chances were slim. Rallying the remnant of his company, about forty in number, he issued the necessary orders and the attempt to cross the open space began. Not many made that fifty yards in safety. The Germans had been expecting some such move and swept the open with rifle and machine gun fire the moment the retreating High- landers broke from cover. A few got across, but the majority went down before they had covered half the distance. The Buffs, whose commanding officer had been wounded and whose numbers had dwindled to a scant fifty, remained in their position and were cut off and captured.
It was at this time that Lieut. C. B. Pitblado displayed the greatest gallantry in carrying back Capt. Whitehead, who had been mortally wounded in the head and was out of his senses. Being hit in the knee himself, Pitblado was compelled to abandon Whitehead, who was by this time quite unconscious. Subsequently Pitblado met McCuaig and the two, having seen to the retirement of the rem- nant of their men, were going back together when McCuaig was wounded in the knee. A few moments later McCuaig was hit through both legs and rendered helpless. Refusing to abandon his senior, Pitblado bandaged the latter’s wounds under heavy fire. Just as this task was completed, Pitblado was again wounded in the leg,
[ 50]
SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES
which finished his chances of getting away. Lying helplessly in the open, McCuaig was hit four more times before he and Pitblado were picked up by the Germans, whose advance reached them some ten minutes later. For the courage and devotion to duty shown by these two officers during the whole engagement they were, at a subsequent date, awarded respectively the Distinguished Service Order and the Military Cross.
Meanwhile the other companies, lashed by rifle and machine gun fire and hard pressed by the German infantry, continued their slow retreat, stopping frequently to administer a stinging check when the Germans trod too closely on their heels. Heavy losses were incurred during this movement, Capt. Jamieson, Capt. Perry and Lieut. Greenshields being wounded in quick succession. Capt. Perry’s wound, however, did not incapacitate him and he was able to carry on. Finally a line was reached where the retreat was ended and orders issued to “stand fast.”
All day the Battalion held this line under heavy fire, while urgent messages were sent back to headquarters for ammunition and reinforcements. About 3 o’clock Lieut.-Col. Loomis arrived, accompanied by Privates Simpson and Brittan, who had carried messages back to him, and by some Pioneers with ammunition. With him he brought the glad news that relief was on the way. Until this arrived, Capt. Clark-Kennedy, with Lieuts. Lindsay and MacTier and a small party, maintained close touch with the Ger- mans. At about dusk several battalions of British troops came up and, passing through the weary Canadian lines, carried the war to the enemy.
IT
Following the arrival of the British, the 13th spent the night in reserve trenches south of Wieltje, withdrawing about a mile early on the morning of the 25th to near Potijze. Sunday, the 25th, was spent in this position and at night the Battalion was or- dered to La Brique. Reaching this location at about 2 a.m. on the 26th, the men started to dig in, when orders reached them to
retire across the Yser Canal to Brielen, a distance of some miles. | Thoroughly worn out as they were, this march was a trying one, but at length it was accomplished. Only a few hours rest was given them, however, when the “fall in” sounded and they were _ ordered forward once more to support an attack being delivered | [51]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
near La Brique. Forward they went and, having performed this particular service, moved at 3 p.m. to @ point south of Wieltje, where they dug in as Divisional Reserve.
In this position the Royal Highlanders passed April 27th, under shell fire from three directions. Late in the day they moved back to bivouacs south of Brielen, moving forward again at 8 p.m. on the 28th to entrench in reserve west of the Canal. Previous to this a draft of 276 men joined the Battalion, under the command of Lieuts. Crowdy, Ives, W. D. Smith and L de V. Chipman. Of these the last named had decidedly bad luck, being hit in the ankle by shell fire within a short time of his arrival. On the same date commissions were granted to Regimental Sergt.-Major J. Jeffery, Corp. E. Waud, Lance-Corp. F. S. Mathewson, Lance-Corp. C. M. Maxwell and Private G. W. R. Simpson, in recognition of the out- standing service they had rendered during April 22nd to 24th. R.S.M. J. Jeffery was at the same time recommended for further promotion to the rank of Captain.
On the night of the 29th the Battalion moved forward about a mile to support an attack by the French. During this attack and as a result of the shelling that followed at intervals for several days, the exhausted 13th suffered a number of additional casualties.
Early on the morning of May 4th the Highlanders moved back to a position near Vlamertinghe and at 7.30 that night they bade adieu to the bloody Ypres Salient and marched, together with the other Battalions of the 3rd Brigade, via Reninghelst and Locre, to billets two miles south of Bailleul. -
Ill
Before following the further fortunes of the Battalion proper, it is necessary to clear up some details of the Second Battle of Ypres omitted from the foregoing account in order that the con- tinuity of the story should not be repeatedly broken.
As will be remembered, on April 21st, when the Battalion went into the line, Lieut.-Col. Loomis established his headquarters in St. Julien, of which town he was also ‘appointed Commandant. On the afternoon of April 22nd he and his officers had just had tea when far over to the left a great green cloud was seen, pouring across the trenches of the Turcos. Gas was unknown, but it was realized that this cloud had some extraordinary significance and an account of it was at once forwarded to Brigade H.Q.
[ 52]
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ree | \
SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES
By 5 o’clock large numbers of the French could be seen retreat- ing and by this time St. Julien itself was under steady shell fire. Just as it became dark bullets hitting all around and Very lights going up showed that the Germans had approached to within about 400 yards. Accordingly Capt. T. S. Morrisey, with a party of F.Q. details, was sent out to join other units in forming a line to defend the town north of the Poelcappelle Road.
After dark Capt. Tomlinson and a company of the Buffs ar- rived and these, with the two platoons of No. 3 Coy., Col. Loomis despatched to reinforce his hard pressed front line. As has been described, these units, owing to the roundabout route they were compelled to follow, did not reach the front till dawn.
At about this time a message was received from General Turner that the 10th and 16th Battalions would attack the small wood N.W. of St. Julien at midnight. This attack duly took place and the story of it is a splendid one indeed. Pressed with a dash and gal- lantry beyond all praise,,the attack swept through the wood and drove the Germans in confusion before it. Incidentally, it relieved for the time being the worst of the pressure on St. Julien.
Meanwhile, under heavy shell fire, Lieuts. J. O. Hastings and C. L. Cantley had come up to St. Julien from Ypres with the trans- port containing rations and ammunition. While explaining to these officers the situation of the Battalion as far as it was understood, Capt. G. E. McCuaig was hit by a piece of shell, while at about the same time Lieut. F. S. Molson was also wounded. Both these officers had their wounds dressed by Major E. R. Brown, who was having a busy time, as casualties poured in on St. Julien from all directions.
Meantime no news reached Col. Loomis as to the fate that had overtaken his front line. He was acutely anxious and his anxiety was not relieved by the fact that small parties of all descriptions kept reporting to him with requests for information and orders. Most of the time he had little information to give, but each party he ordered on, or back, as the situation at the moment seemed to warrant. :
For two days and nights this sort of thing continued, while the shell fire steadily became more intense and the German attack pushed closer and closer. At last it was seen that the town must fall and Battalion Headquarters was accordingly withdrawn. Great credit
attaches to Col. Loomis for the courage and ability with which he
[53]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
directed operations in this shell torn town during those exceedingly strenuous days. Recognition of his services was accorded when, in the King’s birthday honours list, he was awarded the D.S.O.
Mention has already been made of the work of No. 24066, Lance-Corporal Fred Fisher, at the time when he met his death, but no account of the 13th Battalion in the Second Battle of Ypres is complete without reference to the work of this plucky N.C.O. on the night previous. Coming forward from St. Julien, Fisher discovered that some of the guns of Major W. B. M. King’s field battery were being fought with the German infantry close on top of them. Capture of these guns seemed imminent, but Fisher set up his machine gun in advance of the Battery, and, with the as- sistance of a few men from the supports, held off the enemy till the guns got away. During this encounter Fisher’s small section was under concentrated fire and four of his six men were killed. Returning to St. Julien, he got four men of the 14th Battalion and endeavoured once more to push up to the front line. In coming forward he lost these men and eventually reached the front line alone. Here he continued to render valuable service up to the moment of his death. For the valour he displayed on these oc- casions he was recommended for, ‘and awarded, the coveted Victoria Cross, being the first Canadian to win this honour in the Great War.
Such, then, in its main features is the story of the 13th Battalion at Second Ypres. Referring to the stand made by the Canadian Division as a whole, Field-Marshal Sir John French in his official despatch wrote as follows :—
“In spite of the danger to which they were exposed, the Cana- dians held their ground with a magnificent display of tenacity and courage; and it is not too much to say that the bearing and conduct of these splendid troops averted a disaster which might have been attended with the most serious consequences.”
This reference, as has been stated, applies to the work of the whole Canadian Division. No one wnit proved braver or more tenacious than the others. All shared alike in the glory of an amaz- ing feat of arms. Facing overwhelming odds, the Canadian Division by its stand won the right to take its place as the equal in tenacity and courage of the famous “Old Contemptibles,” whose deeds are de- servedly enshrined in the proud traditions of the British Army.
[54]
CHAPTER V
Festubert, Givenchy and Ploegsteert
The naked earth is warm with Spring
And with green grass and bursting trees Leans to the sun’s gaze glorying,
And quivers in the sunny breeze;
And Life is Colour and Warmth and Light, And a striving evermore for these;
And he is dead who will not fight;
And who dies fighting has increase.
—Juntan H. F. Grenren,.
I
N leaving the Ypres Salient, the 13th marched to billets south of Bailleul, as mentioned in Section II of the previous chap-
ter. Accompanying the Royal Highlanders on this march was “Flora Macdonald,” a goat, “found” near the position of some Indian troops in the Salient and adopted forthwith as the Regi- ment’s official mascot.
Settling down in billets, the 13th had an opportunity to realize how much the Battalion had suffered in the recent battle. Twelve officers had gone down, while casualties in the ranks totalled 454. In other words the unit had lost very nearly half its fighting strength. Two of the four company commanders were casualties and the promotion of Major Buchanan to succeed Major Nors- worthy as Second-in-command meant that No. 3 Coy. was also deprived of its wonted leader. In addition many trusted N.C.O’s. had been killed or wounded, so that the whole fabric of the Battalion was badly in need of repair.
Faced with this situation, Lieut.-Col. Loomis started to rebuild his unit without a moment’s delay, realizing that the time available for this work would in all probability be extremely short. Men
) 4, were scarce in those days and the Colonel rightly judged that the ___ Canadians, having proved their worth, would not wait long till they y > were called on to prove it again.
[ 55 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Reorganization of the Battalion, then, started on the first day in billets and continued without interruption on the days that followed. A small draft of N.C.O’s. and men was received from England and at once distributed to the companies. Capt. G. D. McGibbon also joined from the Base Company in England, while promotion from the ranks was given to Corp. J. D. Macpherson, Private S. V. Brittan, Private B. H. Rust and Private H. R. Powell. Of these, the first three had been wounded in the battle of Ypres, where all had rendered conspicuous service. News from the three wounded that their injuries would not detain them in England much longer was promptly followed by the announcement that when they rejoined they would do so with commissioned rank. Lieut. Powell immediately assumed his new duties as a subaltern with No. 2 Coy.
On May 9th General Alderson visited the Battalion and ad- dressed the officers and men. This speech followed the lines of his order of the day dealing with the work of the Canadian Division in the Ypres Salient, in which he said:— “I would first of all tell you that I have never been so proud of anything in my life as I am of my armlet with ‘Canada’ on it. .... I think it is possible that all of you do not quite realize that, if we had retired on the even- ing of April 22nd, .... the whole of the 27th and 28th Divisions would probably have been cut off. Certainly they would not have got away a gun or vehicle of any sort. .... I know my military history pretty well, and I cannot think of an instance in which so much depended on the standing fast of one division. .... There is one more word I would say to you before I stop. You have made a reputation second to none in this war; but, remember, no man can live on his reputation. He must keep on adding to it. And I feel sure that you will do so a
Three days later Gen. Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien visited Bat- talion Headquarters and spoke in somewhat similar terms to a small group of officers. On this occasion the companies were absent on a route march, so the distinguished visitor had no opportunity to address the men. For them, and for the company officers, he left a message with Col. Loomis which expressed in fitting terms his appreciation of the services they had rendered.
These visits and messages were a source of gratification to the 13th, but nothing pleased them so much as the news, which filtered through from Scotland, that aes Watch were adding to their
[ 56 ]
FESTUBERT, GIVENCHY ann PLOEGSTEERT
recruiting posters the simple phrase, “With which is allied the 13th Canadian Battalion, R.H.C.” From the beginning the Canadians had received nothing but courtesy and assistance at the hands of the allied Regiment, nevertheless it is more than likely that the officers of the latter viewed with concealed misgivings the possibility that the untried troops from the Dominion might fail to come up to what was expected of a battalion with Black Watch traditions. If these apprehensions existed, as the Canadians suspected, they vanished in the blood and smoke of Second Ypres and for them the addition to the recruiting poster made honourable and sportsmanlike amend.
Ten days after their arrival in billets the Highlanders received orders to march once more. Parading at 7 p.m. on the 13th, the reconstructed Battalion headed south, marching all night and ar- riving at 2.30 a.m. at billets near Robecq. Much of this march, via Estaires, La Gorgue and Lestrem, was over new military roads which did not appear on the maps, but in spite of this the unit made reasonably good time.
May 15th was a busy day. Company inspections were ordered and much new equipment was issued to replace the losses in the recent battle. Considering the showing made at Bailleul, the good marching of the previous night and the smartness of the men at the company inspections, officers concluded that while the old Battalion would never be the same again, it was, at least, an efficient fighting unit once more. That this should be the case was just as well, for it soon became obvious that the Canadians were marching south with “dirty work” ahead.
On May 9th Sir John French had attacked the German front with the double object of securing positions on the Vimy and Aubers Ridges, which would threaten the Germans’ hold on Lens, La Bassée and Lille, and at the same time preventing the enemy from with- drawing troops to reinforce their line farther south, where General Joffre and the French Army were pounding at the gates of Lens. This British attack, now known as the Battle of Aubers Ridge, had died down after several days of bitter fighting, during which the German lines had been driven back and badly bent, but never com- pletely broken. Following the lull, the attack was now to be re- newed and in the fighting to come the Canadian Division was to have a part.
. Continuing their march on May 16th, the Royal Highlanders Ly. [ 57 ]
a)
"
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
steadily drew nearer to the scene of the new battle. On the 17th they occupied reserve trenches at Le Touret. These muddy ditches were shelled to some extent during the few hours that the 13th were in them, but no particular damage resulted and the Battalion moved back to spend the night in billets in E)ssars.
At 5 a.m. on the 19th “Fall in” was sounded and the Regiment advanced to Le Touret once more. Here the same muddy ditches were occupied for another period of several hours, at the end of which the Battalion, advancing as support to an attack, moved into trenches which had formed the British line previous to the opening of the battle. These were situated in front of a hamlet, which, in memory of troops who had previously occupied it, was known as Indian Village.
While in this location half the men were employed in strengthen- ing the position, while the other half were engaged in burying dead, large numbers of whom mutely testified to the severity of the fight- ing in the recent advance. Incidentally, those of the Highlanders who had not previously done so, discarded their Ross rifles and equipped themselves with Lee-Enfields. The British carried these and scores were lying where they had dropped from the hands of their former owners. ‘The exchange, therefore, was made without formality.
Meanwhile other battalions of the 3rd Brigade had taken over a section of the front and had been heavily engaged. On May 18th two companies of the 14th Royal Montreal Regiment and two com- panies of the 16th Canadian Scottish attacked and, despite heavy losses, pushed their assault to the boundaries of an orchard on La Quinque Rue which the enemy had placed in a state of defence. This Orchard was a veritable hornet’s nest and it was at once ob- vious that a strong attack would be required to take it. Accord- ingly the companies of the 14th and 16th dug in and connected up with the Wiltshire Battalion on their right and the Coldstream Guards on the left. During the night the two companies of the 14th were withdrawn and at daybreak two fresh companies of the 16th replaced the original companies of their own battalion. The front vacated by the men of the 14th was filled by extending the Coldstream Guards on one flank and the two fresh companies of the Canadian Scottish on the other.
On May 20th orders were issued for an attack on the Orchard. Summarized, the instructions to the battalions of the 3rd Brigade
[ 58 ]
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FESTUBERT, GIVENCHY anp PLOEGSTEERT
were as follows: Two companies of the 16th Canadian Scottish and two companies of the 15th (48th Highlanders) were to assault the Orchard and a position extending to the right at 7.45 p.m. On the attack being carried through, the 13th Royal Highlanders of Canada were to take over the positions, consolidating and holding them. The 14th Royal Montreal Regiment was to be held in Brigade reserve. Engineer parties were to join the 13th in the work of consolidation. Simultaneously with the attack of the 15th and 16th, the 10th Canadian Battalion, of the 2nd Brigade, was to assault a fortified locality, known as K5.
In compliance with these orders, the 13th advanced from Indian Village at 7 p.m., Lieut. C. M. Maxwell being wounded by shell fire before the advance began. In this engagement the companies of the 13th were commanded respectively by Capts. K. M. Perry, E. M. Sellon, S. B. Lindsay and W. H. Clark-Kennedy, all of whom had taken part in the previous engagement at Ypres.
It was still daylight when the Battalion left its trenches and, as the only route by which the men could reach their objectives was along Prince’s Road and up La Quinque Rue, or across open fields devoid of cover, losses on the way were seen to be inevitable. To reduce these as far as possible, the advance was made in single file.
Almost at once, however, the enemy spotted the move and opened a heavy fire with shrapnel. Coming up La Quinque Rue this fire struck the Battalion and men fell thick and fast. Early in the advance the Battalion suffered a severe loss when Capt. J. G. Ross, the Machine Gun Officer, was badly wounded. Before very long Lieuts. C. M. Horsey, I. M. R. Sinclair, G. W. R. Simpson, W. D. Smith and ‘A. Worthington were also wounded. These, with numerous wounded of the other ranks, were picked up by stretcher bearers and carried back to Indian Village, where Capt. F. A. C. Scrimger, V.C., Medical Officer of the 14th Battalion, attended to their injuries. The dead it was impossible to remove till later on.
Meanwhile the companies of the 13th pushed up the Quinque Rue and reached the vicinity of the Orchard. Simultaneously the 16th Battalion launched their attack. Pushed with dash and energy, this drove the enemy to the extreme limits of the Orchard, whence he retired to a carefully prepared position in the rear.
As soon as the assault had reached its objectives, the companies of the 13th proceeded to take over. No. 1 Coy., plus one platoon % of No. 2 Coy., reinforced ie pits Battalion in an old German
iw, ’.
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
communication trench, with their left resting on a road, which separated them from the base of the Orchard. ‘T’he other three platoons of No. 2 Coy. proceeded direct through the Orchard and reported to the Officer Commanding the 16th. Lieut. H. R. Powell, commanding the first of these platoons, was ordered to place his men alongside the 16th. Powell discovered that the 16th were oc- cupying the front of the Orchard only and that the farm buildings in the right front corner, as well as the right side of the Orchard, would have to be occupied, otherwise his right flank would be in the air and there would be a wide gap between his company and the old German trench held by No. 1 Coy.
Accordingly he ordered his men to dig in where his observations showed him that a line was necessary, informing Lieut. F. S. Mathewson, who had come up meantime, of what he was doing. Mathewson at once agreed to the plan and ordered his men to join Powell’s in constructing and holding the new line. ‘lhis neces- sitated a change in the arrangements for relieving the men of the 16th along the front of the Orchard. Word was accordingly sent back to Capt. Sellon, who arranged that No. 3 Coy. should come up and accomplish the relief in question.
Meanwhile No. 4 Coy., in support, had relieved a company of the 16th in shallow trenches to the left of the Orchard. To the left again, and somewhat in advance of this support position, was a Territorial battalion of the Black Watch, occupying front line trenches. Capt. Clark-Kennedy visited this battalion and made arrangements, as a result of which a long gap between their front and the left of No. 3 Coy’s. front in the Orchard was closed.
All this time the enemy kept up heavy rifle and machine gun fire, while their flares lighted up the darkness and made the business of digging in very difficult. Shell fire was fairly heavy, which did not tend to make things easier.
Around the buildings in the corner of the Orchard No. 2 Coy. ran up against a problem which had not been foreseen, namely that the ground where they had taken their stand had once been the stable yard of the farm and was covered with a stone pavement. An advance, or retirement, was therefore desirable, but neither was possible, as even a short advance brought the men within bomb- ing range of the new German position, while an equally short withdrawal placed the farm buildings where they blocked the field of fire.
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FESTUBERT, GIVENCHY ann PLOEGSTEERT
Fortunately, at this stage, one of the farm buildings was found to contain a large amount of sand bag reinforcement. This was torn down and the bags used to construct isolated posts, which provided head cover. By morning, too, as the result of strenuous work, a trench about a foot deep had been dug in the stone pavement.
All this had not been accomplished without losses. Capt. Sellon was severely wounded about midnight and Lieut. Powell was killed. At first Powell was merely reported missing, as no one could be found who had actually seen him fall, or positively identified his body. Little hope that he had survived, however, could be indulged in. Somewhere along that hotly bombarded line it was presumed that he had fallen and, later, reports from men in hospital proved this correct. Lieut. Mathewson was also reported killed, but this was soon found to be a mistake.
Meanwhile parties of the Canadian Engineers, under Lieut.-Col. Wright, had arrived and were assisting in the work of consolidation. Col. Wright was killed while supervising the work of his men, but his splendid example was not in vain, for by day-break the position was consolidated, though the line was by no means continuous. In particular No. 2 Coy. had found it impossible to dig a trench across the road which separated the right of their three platoons from the left of the trench occupied by the remaining platoon and No. 1 Coy.
All day on May 21st the enemy kept the Orchard under heavy fire, wounding Lieut. A. M. Fisher, of No. 3 Coy. and inflicting considerable losses to the rank and file. In the afternoon they counter-attacked, but this was a weak effort and the Highlanders had little trouble in beating it back. Then, in front of No. 2 Coy., they tried a trick. All of a sudden a white flag was seen in the German trench and voices called out, “We want to surrender, come over and take us.’”’ When some of the men of No. 2 Coy. exposed themselves in answer to this request, a machine gun opened fire on them and caused several casualties, among these being Sergt. Hillier, who was killed while trying to prevent his troops from leaving their cover. Meanwhile, some of the Germans, who had also exposed themselves, were caught by the Highlanders’ reply to the machine gun and amongst those seen to fall was the man carrying the white flag.
Sat night the Germans set fire to a large hay stack in No Man’s Land, opposite the junction of Nos. 2 and 3 Companies. [ 61 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
This burned for some time, the light seriously hindering the work of improving the position. In addition the enemy kept a machine gun trained on the road, where No. 2 Coy. was anxious to connect up with its remaining platoon and No. 1 Coy. A carrying party got across this road from No. 1 Coy. to No. 2 with rations, but they were unable to carry over any water.
In the meantime the light of the fire was proving of assistance to Lieut. W. S. M. MacTier, of No. 4 Coy., who had gone back to guide a detachment of the Royal Canadian Dragoons up to the Orchard from Indian Village. These troops were initiated by the Highlanders into the mysteries of work as infantry and into the details of swinging a pick and wielding a shovel. The Dragoons frankly admitted that they did not care for this sort of thing and preferred a war where they could use their horses, nevertheless they buckled to and rendered valuable assistance.
Miay 22nd was a fine day with a blazing hot sun, which proved trying to the men lying out with little shelter. No. 2 Coy. suffered particularly, as they had no water at all. In the afternoon, how- ever, they got a double strand of German telephone wire across the road to No. 1 Coy. and by this means a number of bottles were dragged across with sufficient water to quench the burning thirst of the wounded and to relieve to some degree the parched throats of those who were still unhit.
Late that night, after two exceedingly trying days and nights, the 13th was relieved by the 3rd Battalion.
II
Following the relief by the 3rd Battalion, the companies of the Royal Highlanders marched independently to billets at Essars. This march was unpleasant, as the early part of it was harassed by shell fire, while the whole of it was accompanied by thunder, lightning and driving rain.
Four days were spent at Essars and the Battalion once more had time to realize the price that must be paid whenever it was heavily engaged. Roll call showed that ten officers were casualties, while losses in the ranks totalled 170.
Meanwhile the Battle of Festubert was drawing to a close. For some days attacks by British and Canadian units continued and achieved local successes in the face of almost insuperable difficulties. Courage and devotion were not lacking in these attacks, but artillery
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support was, and soon it became evident that the operation as a whole must be put down as a costly failure. Aubers Ridge was not yet to pass into British hands. Accordingly, on May 25th, Sir John French issued the orders which brought the battle to a close.
On the same date the Royal Highlanders left billets in Essars and moved up to reserve trenches between Rue de l’Epinette and Rue du Bois. Two days later they relieved the 14th Battalion in the front line. On their first night in this position a wounded German was observed lying in front of No. 4 Coy’s. trenches. Promptly a stretcher bearer of the 14th Battalion volunteered to go out and bring the wounded man in. While engaged in this daring piece of work the 14th man was fatally wounded and two stretcher bearers of the 13th who went to his assistance were also struck down. Four wounded men now lay where one had lain before and the trap seemed ready for further victims. Ignoring this aspect of the case, Capt. Clark-Kennedy and two of his men took up the work of res- cue. Over the parapet they went and, reaching the wounded, got all four safely in without incurring any casualties themselves. Shortly after this incident Lieut. W. S. M. MacTier, of No. 4 Coy., was wounded by a rifle bullet through the ankle.
On May 29th Capt. G. E. McCuaig, who had been wounded at Ypres, rejoined the Battalion and took over the Adjutant’s work from Lieut. H. D. Ives, who had been acting as Adjutant in his absence. With McCuaig came a number of new officers, amongst these being Lieuts. Bell, Moran, J. G. Walker, D. B. Donald and J. E. Christie. Of these Lieut. Bell was sent to No. 2 Coy., which was in support. Early next morning he was asleep in a dugout when a shell blew the place to bits and wounded him severely.
On the night of the 31st the Highlanders were relieved by the 2nd Gordons, of the 20th British Brigade. Relief was completed about 2 a.m. and the 13th then proceeded to Hinges, via Bethune and the tow path of the La Bassee Canal. Five days were spent in the billets and bivouacs of Hinges, during which platoon drills and company route marches were frequent. Lieuts. Peerless and Mingo joined the Battalion during this period, while commissions were granted to Private N. M. MacLean, Corp. B. M. Giveen, Private
Eagle and Private F. J. Rowan.
i On June 5th Lieut.-Col. Loomis and other officers reconnoitred a reserve position at Givenchy, north of the Canal, which, on the
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following day, the Highlanders took over from the 5th Canadian Battalion. June 7th and 8th were spent in this position and on the 9th the Battalion moved up and relieved the Royal Montreal Regi- ment in the front line. The following afternoon officers of No. 2 Coy., in support, were interested to observe the Prince of Wales passing their position and making his way forward. He was ac- companied by a worried staff officer who was obviously remonstrat- ing against any further advance. All protests fell on deaf ears, apparently, as the last No. 2 Coy. saw of the pair was when they disappeared up a communication trench towards the line.
This tour lasted three days and was comparatively quiet, though not entirely devoid of incident. Writing of it, a subaltern men- tions that, “One night was quite lively. They had their barbed wire cut by our artillery, so all night we kept up a fairly heavy fire to keep them from repairing it. This seemed to annoy them, so they sent out a bombing party to a sap head and threw a few bombs at us. We replied with a machine gun and they went back. Then they turned a trench mortar on us and also gave us a little shelling, as well as rifle and machine gun fire. Altogether during an hour they used every implement of warfare, bar the bayonet and gas, and they didn’t hit a man. It was really quite fun.”
On the night of the 10th, the 4th Canadian Battalion relieved the 13th and the latter proceeded to billets in Essars. It rained during the relief and for a day after, but for the ten following days, during which the Battalion remained in billets, the weather was consistently “fine and clear.’ On June 15th orders were received to “stand to,” ready to move at short motice, as the Ist Canadian Infantry Brigade was attacking at Givenchy and support might be required. Later this order was cancelled and the men resumed their work. Route marching, company training and battalion drill kept all ranks busy from dawn till dusk. Route marches were popular for once, however, as they invariably ended with a swim in the Canal.
Following this interval of training, the Highlanders moved up on June 22nd and relieved the 10th Canadian Battalion in the front line and support, in Givenchy sub-section B3. This tour proved to be short—only two days—but during the forty-eight hours con- siderable activity of a minor character prevailed. The enemy used trench mortars, rifle grenades and hand bombs with some effect, *j while the 13th snipers enjoyed unusually profitable shooting. A
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patrol sent out to explore a vacant German trench encountered op- position, Lieut. Eagle, who was in command, and two of his scouts being wounded. Altogether 2 men were killed and 5 wounded during the tour. On completion of the tour, the 13th was re- lieved by the 2nd and 6th Gordons and proceeded to familiar billets in Essars, where two days were spent, chiefly in washing, cleaning and repairing equipment and in physical drill.
III
Following the conclusion of the action at Givenchy, the Cana- dian Division turned once more towards the north. Leaving Es- sars at 10.55 p.m. on June 26th, the 13th Battalion marched steadily all night and arrived at Neuf Berquin at half past four in the morning. Rain fell most of the night and the march was not particularly agreeable, but good time was made. Rain fell again during the continuation of the march that same evening, but this time the distance was shorter and billets at La Becque, near Bailleul, were reached by 11 o'clock. ‘These were the same billets that the Battalion had occupied when refitting after the Second Bat- tle of Ypres. Two days were spent here and on the 30th a move was made to billets one mile N.W. of Steenwerck.
July 1st, being Dominion Day, was a half holiday. <A football match was organized between the two halves of the Regiment, while in addition a programme of sports was run off. Anyone strong in leg, arm or wind had a chance to distinguish himself in these, as the events included such varied items as throwing the cricket ball, kick- ing the football, sprints, dashes, putting the shot and a tug-of-war.
On July 2nd routine was resumed, varied, however, by a bathing parade to Bailleul. The next day Lieut.-Col. Loomis, Major Buchanan, the Company Commanders, Signalling and Machine Gun Officers reconnoitred a position which the Battalion was to occupy from Ploegsteert Wood (facing Warreton) to Wulverghem (op- posite Messines). On July 5th the Royal Highlanders relieved the Ist Canadian Battalion in support, one man of the Machine Gun Section being killed by shellfire at Hyde Park Corner, while going up.
4 At 8 p.m. on the 9th the 13th Battalion completed relief of the
_ 14th Battalion in the front line. One hour later two mines were
~ exploded by the Canadian Engineers and a troublesome German post
destroyed. Almost before the smoke of the explosion had cleared, & [ 65 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
a party, under the command of Capt. K. M.. Perry and under the immediate control of Sergt. A. W. Ruston, went forward and oc- cupied the craters, consolidating these and, in spite of heavy enemy fire, suffering no casualties. Four nights later the powers that be decided to blow two more mines on the Highlanders’ front and again a party under Perry and Ruston consolidated. Smart work was shown in this respect, as again the party accomplished its difficult task without losing a man. One killed and ten wounded represented the total casualties of the five days. During this tour Lieut. Hugh Wallis, commissioned from the ranks of the Canadian Scottish, was posted to the 13th Battalion.
At 6 p.m. on the 14th, daylight relief being possible in’ this sec- tor, the Royal Montreal Regiment took over the front and the Highlanders proceeded to billets in the Piggeries. These billets, as their name suggests, had previously been the abode of swine, but the Engineers had taken them in hand and converted them into billets. They weren’t elaborate, but were comfortable and dry and quite acceptable to men whose days were often spent in much less agreeable places.
On the day following the arrival of the 13th at the Piggeries, Private E. Jolicoeur was wounded in the head by the accidental discharge of a rifle. First aid was at once given and the unfortunate man hurried to No. 1 Canadian Field Ambulance, but the wound proved fatal within an hour. The body was buried in the Military Cemetery at Hyde Park Corner.
On July 18th Holy Communion was celebrated by Canon Scott, after which the Battalion moved up and relieved the 14th in the front line. During the night a patrol, under Lieut. Rust and Corp. Wright, went out and examined the enemy wire. Continuing their investigations, this patrol advanced to within 15 yards of the German line, whence they brought back information of considerable value. During the three days of this tour the 13th did a great deal of work on the parapets. Enemy snipers were active, but secured few bull’s eyes. One man was killed and four wounded.
On the 21st of the month the 4th Canadian Battalion relieved the 13th, the latter proceeding to huts at Aldershot Camp (S.W. of Neuve Eglise) in Divisional Reserve. During the week that followed large working parties were furnished by the Battalion to assist the Engineers, who were converting the “Plug Street” front — into a veritable fortress. These parties were not popular, but the
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men realized the value of strong positions and earned a reputation with the Engineers by their willingness and hard work. During this same week Major R. H. Jamieson, who had been wounded while commanding No. 2 Coy. during the Ypres battle, returned to the Battalion and assumed the duties of Paymaster. .
On July 29th the Battalion vacated Aldershot Camp and again took up residence in the Piggeries. Working parties of two and three hundred men were supplied to the Engineers on several oc- casions during the next three days, while one day news was received that the Germans, not content with gas, had sprung a new form of “frightfulness” in the shape of liquid fire. Confidential reports indicated that this new weapon had been tried out against the British near Hooge, but had not been an entire success. “Jets 30 to 40 yards long issue from these flame throwers,” the reports stated, “but the damage they cause is not severe. Surprise and panic would seem to be their chief danger.”
Half past six on the night of August 2nd found the Battalion once more in the front line for a four day stay. Night patrolling of No Man’s Land featured this tour and much valuable information was brought in. Contact with a German patrol was established on one occasion and bombs thrown by both sides. In this exchange Private E. Yorke was slightly wounded. On another occasion a new officer took out a patrol with the intention of surprising and capturing an enemy listening post thought to exist in a ruined house between the lines. In this case, however, the hunter was hunted and, surprised by a German bombing attack that came from good- ness knows where, the patrol beat a hasty and not entirely dignified retreat.
At the end of this tour, the 13th was relieved by the Ist and 3rd Canadian Battalions and moved back to familiar quarters in Aldershot Huts. Here working parties were again furnished to the Engineers to carry on the business of making the “Plug Street” front exceedingly strong. On the night of the 8th Lieut.-Col. Loomis presided at a concert which the men enjoyed hugely and on the 10th he, with all the officers, N.C.O’s. and 20 men from each company, attended a gas demonstration in the G.H.Q. 3rd Line trenches. After a lecture by an officer of the Scottish Rifles, all
_ present donned gas helmets, with which the troops were now pro-
_ vided, and entered a trench where chlorine gas had been concen- trated. None of the party suffered any ill effects and the efficiency 7. [ 67 |
of the helmets was clearly demonstrated, a point witch up to this — |
time had been the subject of doubt.
On the morning of August 12th Brig.-Gen. R. E. W. Turner, V.C., C.B., D.S.O., passed through the Battalion lines on his way to England to assume command of the 2nd Canadian Division, then about to join the Ist in France. As commander of the 3rd Brigade, Gen. Turner had earned an enviable military reputation and in ad- dition had gained to an unusual degree the affection and regard of his men. Accordingly, the 13th cheered him heartily and bade him farewell with mingled feelings of regret at his departure and pleasure at the promotion that had come to him. After he had left, command of the Brigade was assumed by the Senior Battalion Commander, Lieut.-Col. R. G. E. Leckie, C.M.G., of the 16th Cana- dian Scottish. Simultaneously Col. Leckie received promotion to the rank of temporary Brigadier-General.
CHAPTER VI
Messines
The road that runs up to Messines Is double-locked with gates of fire, Barred with high ramparts, and between The unbridged river, and the wire.
But we shall go up to Messines
Even thro’ that fire-defended gate,
Over and thro’ all else between
And give the highway back its state. —J. E. Srewarr.
I
N August 15th, 1915, the 13th Battalion relieved the 10th Bat- () talion and Canadian Cavalry Brigade in Trenches 135, 136
and 137, with headquarters at La Plus Douce Farm. This series of trenches was destined to see a great deal of the Royal Highlanders of Canada during the months that lay ahead and will be referred to frequently in the course of the present chapter. All unaware of this, however, the Battalion took over the trenches, effected some.repairs to the parapets, suffered a few casualties—six to be exact—and handed over to the Royal Montreal Regiment at 6.10 p.m. on the 19th.
Billets at Courte Dreve Farm were occupied from the 20th to 24th and many working parties were supplied to the Engineers. On the 20th Major Buchanan left to command the 15th Battalion during the absence of Major Marshall, returning on the 23rd, in time to accompany his own Battalion into Trenches 135-137 on the 24th.
The relief on this occasion did not escape the notice of the enemy, who shelled the communication trenches in the vicinity of _ Ration Farm, wounding five men of No. 3 Coy. There were no further losses during the five day tour that followed, but on the
y 28th some excitement was caused when the Germdns set fire to
the grass between the lines. By this means they probably hoped to i [ 69 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
stop the Canadians from patrolling in No Man’s Land at night, but if such was their purpose it’ failed completely of its object.
Relieved by the 14th Battalion on the night of August 29th, the Highlanders proceeded to Bulford Camp (Kortepyp Huts), near Neuve Eglise. Here on September 2nd General Plumer, com- manding the 2nd Army Corps, inspected the Battalion and com- plimented the officers on the showing made.
On the following day the Highlanders took over ‘Trenches 135- 137 for another five day tour. Here a draft of 265 men was re- ceived from the 23rd Reserve Battalion in England. How welcome these men were may be judged by this extract from an officer's letter. “We received a draft of 265 men yesterday, which helps us a lot. For nearly four months we have been under strength, doing the work of a full battalion and, as there has been a devil of a lot of work to do, it has been mighty tough on the men. How- ever, they have been most wonderfully willing and cheerful and, besides their fighting record, have earned the reputation with the Engineers of being the best working Regiment in the Division.”
On arrival, the draft was placed temporarily under the com- mand of Lieuts. Aitchison and Bott, who themselves had just re- ported from the Cadet School at G.H.Q. Later the newcomers were evenly divided between the companies. Battalion orders on the same date contained the announcement that Lieut. E. W. Waud was appointed Acting Quartermaster, vice Lieut. C. L. Cantley, transferred.
Their five day tour completed, the Highlanders handed over to the 14th once more and proceeded to billets at Courte Dreve. Large working parties were a feature of the next four days, these at one time or another being under the command of Capt. C. J. Smith and Lieuts. Aitchison, Bott, Rust, Brittan, Mingo, Macpherson, Mathewson and Greenshields, the last named now quite recovered from the wound received at Ypres.
At this time the announcement that Lieut.-Gen. E. A. H. Alderson had assumed command of the Canadian Army Corps signified to the men of the Canadian Division that a second Canadian Division had arrived in France. Simultaneously it was announced that Brig.-Gen. A. W. Currie, C.B., of the 2nd Brigade, had been promoted to Major-General to succeed General Alderson in com- mand of what had hitherto been known in the field as the Canadian Division and would in future be referred to as the Ist.
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Following this interesting announcement the Royal Highlanders entered the line for a short tour in Trenches 135-137. After three days they were relieved by the Canadian Cavalry Brigade and moved back to Aldershot Camp, whence, on September 20th, they marched to Lindenhoek and relieved the 2nd Cheshires and the 6th Welsh in the line. Headquarters were at Tea Farm. This move was made to facilitate the work of breaking in the new 2nd Canadian Division, units of which were on either side of the veteran 3rd Brigade during the days that followed.
From Sept. 20th to 24th the Battalion occupied this Lindenhoek front, being relieved by the 14th R.M.R. on the latter date and marching to billets in Locre. Proceeding on the 25th, the Battalion marched to Aldershot Camp, where the men were deeply interested in such news as reached them of British successes in the Battle of Loos. At 4.30 p.m. on the 26th they marched to Ploegsteert, “standing to” all day on the 27th and moving into the line at 7.30 that night to relieve the 6th Buffs, of the 35th British Brigade, who were proceeding south to take part in the new battle.
Six days were spent in the front line, during which instruction was given to officers and men of the 11th Lancs. Fusiliers, a unit just arrived from England. On the night of October Ist a patrol, under Lieut. B. M. Giveen of the 13th and Lieut. Gallagher of the Lancs., made an exhaustive examination of No Man’s Land and the condition of the German wire. On October 3rd the Lancs. took over the front and the 13th moved to billets at Courte Dreve. At this time Capt. G. E. McCuaig took command of No. 2 Coy. and Capt. C. J. Smith assumed the duties of Battalion Adjutant.
II
On October 4th the Royal Highlanders again took over trenches 135, 136 and 137. From this time until the end of the year these trenches were held by the Battalion, alternating with the 14th Battalion R.M.R. Under the system then prevailing, four days constituted the regulation trench tour. Sometimes this was stretched to five and even six days to meet special circumstances, but four days was the accepted period in the front line, following which an equal time was spent in Brigade support, or reserve. The time out of the line, however, was not a period of rest. Working parties, consisting of every available officer and man, were called _ for night after night, while in the daytime work on the rear areas
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and preparations for the next tour kept the men from making up arrears of badly needed rest.
With almost clock-like regularity, then, the 13th during the months that followed spent four days in and four days out of the line. When in, they occupied the trenches already mentioned ; when out, they were billeted at Courte Dreve, Red Lodge, or Kortepyp Huts. In the line, Battalion H.Q. was at Plus Douce Farm; two companies occupied the fire trenches, one was in support at Stinking Farm and one in Battalion Reserve at Plus Douce Farm, or Fletcher’s Field.
While the sojourn of the 13th Royal Highlanders in this vicinity was not marked by any of those glorious exploits that add Battle Honours to the Regimental Colours, it ranks, nevertheless, as one of the Battalion’s best feats of endurance. Properly to understand the hardships of this period and to appreciate the dogged courage by which they were overcome, a knowledge of the topography of the country is necessary. Roughly speaking, Trenches 135-137 occupied that part of the line which lay between the Wulverghem- Messines Road on the north and the Ploegsteert-Messines Road on the south. The front ran through the water-logged valley of the Douve and acted as a drain for Messines Ridge, occupied by the enemy, and for Hill 63 to the British rear. As a result of almost incessant rain, no amount of labour and revetting could prevent the trenches from falling in. Communication trenches, very necessary in a location such as this, where the enemy overlooks the country back of the front line, were practically impassable. Consequently, a net- work of tracks led overland through the all-pervading mud and were used by ration and fatigue parties instead of the flooded trench system.
The front line itself was a slimy ditch, where, at best, the men sank over their ankles and where, owing to the clinging powers of the local mud, an individual, once stuck, could release himself only with the greatest difficulty. It was not uncommon for men to sink to the waist in this muck and require assistance to get free. Deep dugouts were, of course, impossible, though “funk holes,” dug in the side of the trench, were fairly numerous. These afforded little or no protection against missiles, but they did keep some rain off the men while sleeping.
In the memories of officers and men the endless monotony and physical hardships, the continuous fatigues and the appalling weather
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of this period stand out so vividly as to overshadow the human enemy and all his works of destruction. Summing up warfare under such conditions, a French writer has given the following impression :—‘More than attacks—more than visible battles—-war is frightful and unnatural weariness, water up to the belly, mud and infamous filth—an endless monotony of misery, broken by poignant tragedies.”
All during this period, however, the spirit of the 13th was in no wise subdued. Discipline was excellent and, to quote an officer, “the men had their tails up throughout.” Casualties as the result of enemy action were not heavy, though each tour added a few names to the ever growing roll. Sickness, as was but natural, increased, though the total losses through illness were not serious. Influenza of a fairly severe type made its appearance, temporarily disabling several officers and a score or more of the men; other afflic- tions were of a similar nature and were directly attributable to the conditions under which the men lived. As a point of interest in this connection, it may be noted that when the Battalion, in November, changed over for the winter from the kilt to trousers the number of sick was appreciably increased.
On October 16th the 42nd Battalion, Royal Highlanders of Canada, arrived at the front and ‘were initiated into the routine of trench warfare by their comrades of the 13th. The 42nd, then commanded by Lieut.-Col. G. S. Cantlie, had been raised by the 5th Regiment, Royal Highlanders of Canada, in Montreal, and was consequently a “sister” battalion of the 13th. Eventually the 42nd became a part of the 7th Brigade, 3rd Canadian Division, but pending the formation of this Division, they, with the Royal Cana- dian Regiment, the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry and the 49th Edmonton Battalion, served as Corps troops.
During the period that the 42nd was undergoing training by the 13th a most regrettable incident occurred when Capt. Leon Curry (42nd) and Capt C. H. Crowdy (13th) were killed by a trench mortar bomb which fell in the bay of their trench. The funeral of these two officers was held in Armentiéres some few days later. Both Battalions were out of the line at the time and joined, with their pipe bands, in according the dead officers full military honours.
On October 26th an aerial battle over the front line resulted in a German plane being brought down in rear of No. 4 Coy’s. position.
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The pilot of this plane was dead, but an observer, severely wounded, was made prisoner and taken to Brigade H.Q. Capt. G. D. Mc- Gibbon, of No. 4 Coy., secured a trigger camera from the captured machine, which, by one of those queer strokes of fate, was also found to carry a Colt machine gun, belonging to the 14th Battalion and captured at Ypres. Following the landing of this machine the Germans shelled the wreck with thigh explosive, to destroy the plane and inflict casualties amongst any who might attempt to salvage it.
During November the routine already described continued. When out of the line, working parties were called for even more frequently and practically the whole Battalion, including officers, was out night after night. The nature of the soil and the steady rain rendered the work particularly exhausting, but it was urgent and could not be delayed, no matter how badly the men needed rest. The work, too, was not unattended by danger. On November 2nd the Officer Commanding the Ist Field Company, Canadian Engineers, reported that Lieut. J. E. Christie, of the 13th, had been wounded while attached to his Company, and other casualties oc- curred at intervals, though the total was not large.
Early in the month Lieut. P. N. MacDougall and Lieut. W. F. Peterman joined the Battalion and were given commands in No. 4 and No. 2 Companies respectively. Lieut. A. Routledge also joined at this time. About the middle of the month the Highlanders were much interested when the 7th British Columbia Battalion on the right of the 13th raided the enemy lines, inflicting losses and taking prisoners. This affair marked the revival and elaboration of a form of trench warfare employed with success by Indian battalions, near La Bassee, in 1914, and in which Canadian units from this time on were destined to become particularly adept.
Towards the end of the month, during the absence on leave of Brig.-Gen. Leckie, Lieut.-Col. Loomis assumed command of the 3rd Brigade, Major Buchanan taking over the 13th for the period of the Colonel’s absence.
Early in December one of those little personal tragedies was reported when a private, absent without leave, was found drowned in the Canal near Armentiéres. Unimportant from a_ battalion point of view, this event is recorded in the diary without comment. The man’s name, rank and regimental number are given and the
fact that he was “found drowned.” Very properly the diary has —
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no imagination. It neither speculates nor is given to conjecture. It states facts, and leaves all else to its readers. In this case the “facts” are all that is known.
Christmas arrived in due course and found the Battalion oc- cupying its familiar front in Trenches 135-137. Nos. 1 and 4 Companies were in the front line, No. 2 Coy. in support at Stinking Farm and No. 3 Coy. in Battalion Reserve at Higginson Avenue. The weather was fair and mild and during the day there was little activity. There was no fraternizing with the enemy, such as had occurred at various points on Christmas, 1914, but, to quote a letter: “while there was no cessation of hostilities, the customary ‘hate’ was less intense.”
Christmas dinner was, of course, somewhat of a problem. A dinner had been held on the 23rd, but everyone felt that some effort should be made to lift Christmas itself out of the rut and monotony of ordinary days. Company officers accordingly made such ar- rangements as were possible. In No. 2 Coy. the party was not held till 11 p.m., for reasons which the following letter makes obvious. “We had planned our dinner for 7 p.m., but about 6 a batman came in and said, ‘Will you smell this meat, sir.’ I didn't have to. Ugh! Our Christmas dinner! However, we waited till the rations came up at 9 o'clock and had our dinner at 11 p.m. Near our dugouts there is a farm, which, strange to say, has one .room almost untouched. We blocked up the windows, etc., and had a fine place in which we cooked, not only our own dinner, but steaks and fried potatoes for the men. Then we got the whole Company in, gave them their hot meal and that day’s rum as well as the next, so everyone felt fine. Then we had a sing-song and everyone enjoyed their Xmas.”
Meanwhile in the front line all was quiet. In No Man’s Land, however, a patrol, under Lieut. W. E. Macfarlane, and composed of Corp. A. A. Harper, Corp. E. H. Jarrett and 12 men, was busy. This patrol was out for nearly five hours. Lying close to the German line, they could at one time listen to the strains of Christmas celebrations from various directions. In the enemy trench a cornet player reminded his hearers of Christmases in pleasanter surround- ings, while from the farm house, where No. 2 Coy. was feasting, came the sound of voices singing the familiar words of “Loch Lomond.” Far to the rear, too, from behind Hill 63, the pipers
of the Canadian Scottish could be heard hard at it.
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ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Shortly before midnight another patrol proceeded into No Man’s Land to gather information. ‘This party was 16 strong and was commanded by Lieut. J. H. Lovett. About 12.50 a.m. the patrol was challenged in German and fire opened on it from behind a hedge. Reply was at once made and groans suggested that one of the enemy was hit. Lovett’s party suffered no losses.
Patrolling continued to be a feature of this 5-day tour. On the night of the 26th Macfarlane and his party went out at 6 p.m. and remained out till 11. Lovett and his party then took up the work and patrolled for several hours. No enemy patrols were encoun- tered. On the following night patrols were out constantly from 6.30 o’clock till 5 o’clock in the morning. ‘These worked in regular two hour “shifts,” with an hour, or half an hour, in between. Lovett was out with seven men from 6.30 till 8.30. Corp. F. J. Reid went out with eight men at 9 p.m. and remained out till 11 p.m. At midnight Macfarlane took out eight men and patrolled till 2am. At 3 o’clock this party went out again and remained out till nearly dawn. Enemy patrols, as on the previous night, were conspicuous only by their absence.
[il
New Year’s Eve, 1915, found the Royal Highlanders in billets at Red Lodge. The surroundings were not attractive, but every effort was made to make the occasion as agreeable as possible. Regret was mingled with all gaiety, however, as at midnight Lieut.- Col. F. O. W. Loomis, D.S.O. bade the Battalion farewell, as he was leaving in the morning to assume command of a Reserve Bri- gade in England. In accordance with custom the Colonel visited each hut where a celebration was in progress and said good-bye individually to all present. Col. Loomis had rendered devoted and conspicuous service while in command of the 13th and his pro- motion to command a brigade could not have been long delayed, nevertheless the bond between him and his officers and men was strong and deep regret on both sides featured his departure. It was with pride, however, that the Highlanders followed his career during the years that followed. From Brigadier-General he rose to the rank of Major-General, in command of the 3rd Canadian Division ; he was created a Knight Commander of the Bath and a
Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St. George. In ad- } dition he received from the French Government the Légion
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d’Honneur (Croix d’officier). As each of these honours fell to his lot the Highlanders rejoiced sincerely. When he was wounded at Vimy Ridge, they felt anxiety until assured that the injury was not serious. On his departure he handed over the Battalion to Major V. C. Buchanan, who, since the death of Major Norsworthy, had filled the post of second-in-command. Buchanan’s place was in turn filled by Major G. E. McCuaig, while Capt. I. M. R. Sinclair, fully recovered from the wound received at Festubert, took over command of No. 2 Coy. On January 4th Lieuts. MacDougall and Routledge were transferred back to the 42nd Battalion, R.H.C. Lieut. Routledge was wounded the following autumn and died of his wounds on October 23rd, to the deep regret of both the 13th and 42nd. |
During January, 1916, the Royal Highlanders continued to al- ternate with the 14th Battalion in the front line and reserve, the only change being that their front was in Trenches 136-141, instead of the old familiar 135-137. Patrols were again a feature of these tours, Lieut. Macfarlane and his party combing No Man’s Land at all hours of the night. Occasionally these patrols were fired at, or bombed, but no enemy patrols were actually encountered. To all intents and purposes the Canadian mastery of No Man’s Land was complete.
On January 12th a diversion from the monotony of trench life was caused by a fire which broke out in St. Quentin’s Farm at 5 a.m. Flames rose thirty feet in the air and the sight was made more spectacular by the explosion of a large quantity of rifle ammunition and some bombs. This farm was situated to the left of the position occupied by the 13th and was in the possession of the 16th Bat- talion. Fortunately few of its occupants were injured.
On January 19th the Battalion was pleased by the announcement that Major W. H. Clark-Kennedy had been awarded the D.S.O. Clark-Kennedy had left the 13th to take a post on the staff of the 3rd Brigade some months before this date, but the Highlanders still claimed him as their own and, as in the case of Col. Loomis, followed with pride the steps of his distinguished career. He held various appointments during the years that followed and became, eventually, Lieut.-Col., Commanding the 24th Battalion, Victoria Rifles of Canada. He was awarded the C.M.G., a bar to his D.S.O. and the French Croix de Guerre. Then, in 1918, during the “Hun- dred Days,” he won the Victoria Cross. On the same date that [77 ]
ROYAL HIGHLANDERS OF CANADA
Clark-Kennedy’s D.S.O. was announced, further distinction came to the Battalion when Sergt.-Major Neil Osborne, Lance-Sergt. Jones, Corp. O. B. Krenchel and Private F. Ableson were awarded the D.C.M.
With the advent of February the long series of trench tours was interrupted and the Battalion proceeded to rest billets, near Bailleul. Relieved on the evening of the lst by the 5th Canadian Mounted Rifles, the Highlanders spent the night at Red Lodge. Parading at 5 o’clock the following morning they marched towards Bailleul, arriving at their billets some five hours later. Here they remained for three full weeks, “resting,” technically, but actually busily employed. On the 3rd of the month a draft of 46 N.C.O’s. and men was received and allotted to the companies. On the 4th and 5th passes were issued to a large number of the men to visit Bailleul, where they might find entertainment suited to their various tastes and inclinations. On the 8th General Alderson inspected the men, who were drilling by companies. On the 9th physical drill and company practice in assault filled the morning, while in the afternoon parties of 100 followed one another in rapid succession to the baths in the Asylum at Bailleul. The next day was largely devoted to inspections. Major Buchanan gave the Battalion a thorough going over, after which the men were inspected by Field Marshal Lord Kitchener, who was accompanied by Generals Plumer, Alderson and Currie.
On the day following Major Buchanan received his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. News of this promotion, though expected, was received with genuine: pleasure by all ranks of the Battalion, Lieut.-Col. V. C. Buchanan had served with the 13th from the beginning and at all times had commanded the respect and affection of his officers and men. ‘Towards the latter he invariably exhibited a firm, but kindly and sympathetic interest. Of ‘his officers he expected a high sense of duty and self sacrifice comparable to his own. As an actual instance of this, it is recorded that at about this time when new leather coats were issued from stores, a junior officer, wearing one, was interrogated by Col. Buchanan as to whether all the men of his platoon were similarly equipped. On receiving a negative reply, the C.O. ordered the junior to take the coat off and to see to it in the future that his men were equipped with any article before he drew one for himself.
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On February 13th and 14th the men were inoculated. On the 15th and 17th the whole Battalion, including the Grenade Section, Machine Gunners, Stretcher Bearers and Signallers, practised attacking trenches.
On the latter date Brig.-Gen. R. G. E. Leckie, C.M.G. was wounded and command of the 3rd Brigade passed temporarily to Lieut.-Col. Marshall, O.C. the 15th Battalion (48th Highlanders), who continued to command until relieved by a senior officer, Brig.-Gen. G. S. Tuxford, C.M.G.
Divine Service and Holy Communion, celebrated by Major Mc- Greer, featured the 20th. Route marches, bayonet drill, target shooting, lectures, reconnaissance and the inevitable working parties kept the men busy and filled in the time not already accounted for.
On February 22nd the Battalion vacated the rest billets near Bailleul and moved to Red Lodge, as Brigade Reserve. Coincident with this move, news began to arrive of the battle which had opened at Verdun. After five days at Red Lodge, during which working parties were large and frequent, the Highlanders moved up into the line. Trenches 136-140 were occupied on this occasion and the routine of the previous autumn and early winter was resumed. Battalion Headquarters was moved, however, from Plus Douce Farm to Fisher’s Place.
On the whole the front was more active than when the High- landers had last visited it. Artillery fire was heavier and Lieut. Macfarlane found that his control of No Man’s Land was no longer undisputed. Rifle and machine gun fire and trench mortar shelling were also more continuous. On February 29th aircraft were active all morning, while both sides shelled heavily in the afternoon. On the night of March 2nd Macfarlane and a patrol established contact with an enemy patrol, whom they bombed and forced to retire. Two nights later the Battalion was relieved and proceeded to Kortepyp Huts, where several promotions were announced, Lieut. a Mathewson becoming Captain, vice Capt. G. E. McCuaig, promoted ; Capt. K. M. Perry becoming Major, vice Major V. C. Buchanan, promoted, and Lieut. J. D. Macpherson becoming Captain, vice Capt. K. M. Perry, promoted. At the same time Capt. E. W. Waud was transferred from No. 1 to No 4 Coy.
On March 10th the Battalion entered Trenches 136-140 for a 7-day tour. On the night of the 11th a patrol, under Lieut. Mac- farlane, encountered an enemy patrol, which showed fight. The [79]
' a | Ae Set ee te? MNT A iar ata TOU) Oe ti HC | Cae oe Ae aly
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ROYAL HIGHLAN
Sf
forcing the Germans back with bombs and rifle fire. Two of the enemy were wounded, as were two of the 13th patrol. On the fol-
lowing night a German patrol was again encountered in the same
vicinity. This patrol was attacked and one man wounded. A German rifle, cap and pair of mittens were picked up where the wounded man had apparently dropped them.
he 14th Canadian Battalion relieved the 13th on the night of March 17th, the companies of the Highlanders moving out inde- pendently to billets at Red Lodge, where working parties were once more the order of the day.
ea rig} t x eis ee ee pea me om “ore an RSOFCANADA |
ia ae
Highlanders’ patrol was very willing and attacked without delay, 7
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CHAPTER VII Hill 60, The Bluff and Mount Sorrel
In Flanders fields the poppies blow Between the crosses, row on row, That mark our place; and in the sky The larks, still bravely singing, fly Scarce heard amid the guns below. —JoHn McCrae.
I Wie: the trees began to bud and the increased heat of
the sun proclaimed to the men of the Canadian Divisions
that the spring of 1916 was at hand, the long monotony of trench tours on the Messines front came to an end. On March 17th the Corps began to move north and exchange places with the British V. Corps, which was holding the southern curve of the Ypres Salient. This move was completed on April 8th, the actual change in command of the fronts taking place four days earlier.
When spring became a reality, therefore, the whole Corps was
up in the Salient, holding a position only a few miles from the spot where the Ist Division had withstood its fiery test in April of the previous year. Much water had flowed beneath the bridges since those days, but the Salient was the Salient still—a place of deserv- edly evil reputation, where hurricane bombardments swept out of a cloudless sky, where bloody encounters were the rule rather than __ the exception and where death was ever present, or just around the corner. % Soon after arrival the 2nd Division became involved in an engagement, as dour and bitterly fought as any that had marked _ the war up to this time. It lasted for a month, during which the . _ contesting lines swayed backward and forward, in and out of a "series of mine craters at St. Eloi. Thousands of men died in this battle and their mortal remains were swallowed up in the wreckage, “ruin and indescribable mud. In the end the 2nd Division was blasted out of the positions it had held with such extraordinary — tenacity, but these were so shattered and devastated that the enemy a [ 81]
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found it well nigh impossible to occupy them. The Craters, there- fore, became for the most part a No Man’s Land, the last resting place of many brave men and the haunt of occasional prowling patrols. For the second time the Salient had given the men from Canada a bloody welcome.
While these events were taking place on the 2nd Division’s front, the units of the other Canadian Divisions had one by one been transferred northward. On March 23rd the 13th Battalion, Royal Highlanders of Canada, in billets at Red Lodge, was relieved by the 9th Royal Sussex Regiment and marched at night to Meteren, where four days were spent in company training and route marching. Much time was also devoted to repairing clothing, which badly needed attention after the hard service of the winter months. Com- pany commanders, on the first day at Meteren, were ordered to pay particular attention to the condition of their men’s feet, which, as the result of softening from months of mud and water, had caused much discomfort during the long march from Red Lodge.
Continuing the move on the morning of the 28th, the High- landers, together ‘with the other units of the 3rd Brigade, passed through Bailleul and on to Locre, the pipe band leading the way. A brigade march, when accomplished in the daytime, always presents an inspiring sight. On reaching the top of a hill the men could see stretching back for miles the long lines of the battalions, moving in column of route and twisting like an enormous snake in and out amongst the hills. At 2 p.m. the 13th reached their destination, which proved to be Dickebusch Huts. Here the Bat- talion settled down and promptly took advantage of the hours be- fore dark to start baseball games and impromptu sports. Late in the afternoon passes arrived for two officers and seventeen men to goon leave. This brought up a serio-comic point, as the Battalion was in “trews” and several of the men stated quite flatly that they had no desire to visit England unless they could do so dressed in the kilt that was the proper uniform of a Royal Highland battalion. An appeal was made to Lieut.-Col. Buchanan and he, sensing the Regimental pride that lay behind the request, promptly ordered the Transport Officer to send back some 18 miles to the place where the kilts were stored and to bring up a sufficient number to equip all the party going on leave. The Transport had had a hard day, nevertheless the kilts were duly produced before the leave party set out at 11 p.m.
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Looking back on the war, it seems ‘hard to realize that steel helmets were not in use from the beginning. No one had foreseen the necessity for these, but experience taught that thin steel would deflect shrapnel and save many valuable lives. Accordingly steel helmets were adopted by all the armies and’ the British Army in the field was equipped with them at about this time. On March 30th the company commanders of the 13th were instructed to see that all N.C.O’s. and men were so equipped before moving into the line that same night.
Parading in front of Dickebusch Huts at 6 p.m., the Battalion proceeded to Café Belge, where it was met by guides of the 6th Northumberland Fusiliers, who led the way to Transport Farm, whence trench guides conducted the companies to their individual locations. The front taken over on this occasion stretched from Trench 37 left to Glasgow Cross Roads (exclusive). This position was flanked on the right by a railroad cutting, which ran through Hill 60 from the Canadian to the German lines. On the left flank was the 16th Battalion, connecting up with the 3rd Canadian Division, which, for the first time, was taking its place in line as a unit of the Canadian Corps. Nos. 1 and 2 Companies occupied the front line, supplying their own immediate supports ; No. 3 Coy. was in support and No. 4 Coy. in reserve at Larchwood Dugouts. Battalion Headquarters was in dugouts in the Railway Embankment.
In this position the Battalion remained till the night of April 3rd, when it was relieved by the 14th Canadian Battalion. During the tour in the line there was considerable artillery activity and a general “liveliness” that had been missing on the Messines front, where weather and ground conditions had proved the principal
enemy. Here, too, mining and counter mining work was in full
swing and the front line companies were called on to supply parties to assist the Tunnellers. Contrary to expectations, this work rather appealed to the men, who liked the idea of going down
into a mine shaft that led beneath the German lines.
A feature of this front which struck all ranks very forcibly was that the Germans had secured complete ascendency in the mat-
_ ter of sniping. Coming from the Messines front, where the as-
3
cendency had been their own, the Canadians bitterly resented this pecman superiority and took prompt measures to bring it to an
end. New and carefully concealed sniping posts were built at night
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and picked shots detailed to them, with the result that by the end of the tour the German superiority was less noticeable. When the Canadian batteries arrived in the Salient, they were more active in retaliation and counter-battery work than their predecessors had been and greatly helped the infantry to put the triumphant Hun in his proper place. Casualties in the 13th during this tour amounted to 5 killed and 15 wounded, amongst the latter being Coy. Sergt.-Major Race, of No. 4 Coy., who was wounded on the night of April 3rd while taking out men to guide in the relieving Battalion.
From April 4th to 8th the Battalion occupied Dickebusch Huts. On April 6th the Huts were shelled, Privates Sherwood and McKay being killed and one other wounded. Further casualties were avoided by the prompt action of Lieut.-Col. Buchanan, who, at the first shell, ordered the men to vacate the huts and scatter in the adjoining fields. As a precaution in case the shelling should be repeated large working parties were employed on the 7th in digging shelter trenches, also in repairing the damage the shells had caused. That same afternoon passes to visit Poperinghe were granted to 25% of the officers and 5% of the men. In view of the fact that pay day had just occurred, those who secured passes were the envy of their less fortunate comrades.
After four days at Dickebusch Huts, the Battalion moved to Divisional Reserve in the Hop Factory, south of Poperinghe Station. Here, on the 9th, Divine Services were held for both Protestants and Roman Catholics, after which passes to Poperinghe were issued to 20% of the Regimental strength. One officer, writing home, describes the chief feature of the day in Poperinghe as follows: “To-day, Sunday, I saw a wonderful sight. We are billeted in a fair sized town, well back, and the massed fife and drum bands of the Guards Division played ‘Retreat.’ There were a couple of thousand troops in the Square listening—our Brigade and Guardsmen. I was never so proud of our men as when I saw them alongside the Guards. They showed the latter that the Guards aren't the only smart troops in the field.” On another evening the massed pipe bands of the 3rd Canadian Brigade and the Scots Guards, under the leadership of Pipe-Major D. Manson, of the 13th, played “Retreat” and made a most creditable showing. Protection against enemy aeroplanes was afforded to the thousands who attended this concert by British scouts who circled overhead.
On April 11th bayonet exercise, musketry practice and gas hel-
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met drill took up the Battalion’s time. In the evening Poperinghe was heavily shelled and a number of civilians killed. ‘There were no casualties in the 13th. Measles broke out during the Battalion’s stay at the Hop Factory, but prompt measures checked the disease and no drastic steps were necessary. On the 14th a party of six officers and three hundred men went forward at 7 p-m. to assist the Engineers in burying cable. This party worked all night and returned to billets at 3.30 in the morning.
While this was the most important feature of the eight days at Poperinghe from a military point of view, those interested in sports will recall with enthusiasm that the Battalion football team, then at its very best, achieved a notable success in defeating the team of the 1st Coldstream Guards. Rugby enthusiasts will likewise recall the hard fought contest between the officers and men, while those whose interest was more for things theatrical will not soon forget the excellent soldiers’ troupe, “The Follies,’ which helped so materially to make the stay in Poperinghe enjoyable.
IT
On April 15th reveille sounded at 6 a.m. and physical training occupied the time from 6.30 to 6.45. Holy Communion was cele- brated at 9 a.m. and the day was spent in cleaning up billets prepar- atory to a tour in the trenches. On this occasion the Royal High- landers paraded at 6.30 p.m., marched to R.E. Dump and proceeded thence by tram line to Woodcote House, where trench guides were waiting to show the way to the new position.
This position, known as “I'he Bluff,” calls for some description. The Bluff itself was a long mound of earth, thrown up during the construction of the Ypres-Comines Canal. It ran parallel to the Canal on the north, or left, side. The opposing lines were astride the Canal, it must be understood, but that part of the British line taken over by the 13th was entirely on the left bank. In other words the Canal formed the Battalion’s right flank. ‘The front ‘was not a connected line, but a series of positions joined together by roundabout communication trenches. In that side of the Bluff next the Canal were two tiny trenches, one behind the other, known respectively as “‘New Year Trench” and “New Year Support.” Op- posite these, on the side of the Bluff away from the Canal, was a longer trench, which, from its somewhat curved shape, was called “The Loop.” Some distance to the left of the Loop again were [85 ]
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“The Pollock” and “The Bean,” two very exposed trenches, one in rear of the other. Between the Loop on the one side and the Bean and Pollock on the other ran “International” trench, which, as the result of many fierce struggles and bombardments was almost obliterated and altogether impassable. Communication between these positions was possible, therefore, only by using the roundabout communication trenches already mentioned.
At the forward end of the Bluff itself was a large crater; from there an exposed path led up to Thames Street, a deep communica- tion trench following the top of the Bluff to “Gordon Post,” whence it was possible to reach Battalion Headquarters, still further back, without going below ground. One tunnel cut transversely through the Bluff 125 yards from the front line, and another 650 yards further back; these connected with a complicated system of mine galleries and dugouts.
On the night of April 15th, when the Royal Highlanders took over this position from the Royal Montreal Regiment, No. 1 Coy., under Capt. M. Greenshields, occupied front line trenches extend- ing to the left of the Pollock and the Bean; No. 2 Coy., under Capt. I. M. R. Sinclair, occupied New Year Trench, New Year Support and Gordon Post, with 3 smail posts of 19 bombers in all in the Crater; No. 3 Coy., under Capt. H. D. Ives, took over the Loop and adjoining trenches, while No. 4 Coy., under Capt. G. D. Mc- Gibbon, occupied the Pollock and the Bean. Battalion Head- quarters, as has been stated, was established in somewhat flimsy dugouts in the north bank of the Bluff.
Shortly after dawn on the 16th, Major G. E. McCuaig, who was in command of the Battalion during the absence on leave of Lieut.- Col. V. C. Buchanan, was forcibly reminded that this was an “active” sector when a sniper spotted him making a tour along the Loop and put a bullet in and out of his steel helmet, inflicting a slight wound. As a result of this tour McCuaig made a few minor changes in the dispositions of the companies, utilizing the two ends of the emergency tunnel through the Bluff to shelter parties who could be used to reinforce the front line or deliver counter attacks as might be required.
During April 16th there was artillery activity on both sides. In the morning the enemy fired about thirty rounds of high explosive into a trench on No. 3 Coy’s. front, smashing in the parapet, bury- ing a machine gun and causing several casualties, while later in
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the day an automatic trench thrower projected a series of bombs into Hedge Row, a trench held by No. 4 Coy. Here, however, the damage was slight. Casualties for the day totalled 3 killed and 6 wounded.
For the next forty-eight hours there was considerable shelling, counter-shelling and sniping. ‘To the south of the Canal, the 2nd Division front received a severe shelling on the 17th. During the two days in question the 13th had 5 men killed and 16 wounded.
On April 19th, late in the afternoon, the enemy opened a heavy trench mortar bombardment of the Pollock, the Bean and other trenches in the same vicinity, also of the Crater, with the result that communication between Nos. 1 and 4 Companies was severed al- most at once. At 7.45 p.m., after firing a large number of green signal rockets and after about fifteen minutes of extraordinary quiet, the trench mortar bombardment of the Pollock and the Bean was superseded by an intense artillery bombardment of the whole front. Simultaneously the enemy opened a heavy fire on the front of the 2nd Division to the south.
For an hour and a half the 13th front was subjected to a whirl- wind bombardment, after which the barrage was lifted and con- siderably slowed down. At this stage a party of approximately 25 Germans effected an entrance into the Crater, the small garrison of which had suffered severely during the bombardment. With all their reserve bombs buried by shell fire and with no other means of resistance, four wounded men in No. 1 Post were made prisoner. The only unwounded man escaped and made his way to New Year Trench, reporting to No. 2 Coy. what had occurred. After cleaning up No. 1 Post, the Germans proceeded to No. 2, where they cap- tured two or three wounded men, the others being killed. Proceed- ing to No. 3 Post, the enemy at last encountered opposition. Here two men were left unwounded and these put up a stubborn fight, killing the officer of the attacking party and driving off his men. Later the Germans returned with a lamp to search for the body of their officer, but were again driven off by the same two men, who threw all their remaining bombs. The anxiety of the Germans to recover the body was explained later when it was found that this young subaltern of the 123rd German Grenadier Regiment had carried into action on his person complete orders for the occupation of the Highlanders’ line.
Owing to the isolated position of the Crater, details of what [ 87 ]
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was transpiring there were quite unknown at Battalion, or even Company, Headquarters. When telephone lines were cut to all stations, except Gordon Post, McCuaig, who feared that the bom- bardment would be used to cover something in the nature of an attack, ordered Capt. Sinclair to send forward a strong party to defend the crest of the Bluff at all costs. This party, which was gallantly led by Lieut. ‘A. W. Aitchison, advanced under heavy fire and suffered sharp losses. On arriving at the crest of the Bluff Lieut. Aitchison was informed by Capt. Mathewson, in New Year Trench, of what had happened in the Crater. New Year itself had been heavily shelled and none of the depleted garrison could be spared to hold the Crater. Accordingly, as soon as the Canadian artillery barrage was lifted off the Crater, Aitchison led his party forward and occupied it. For his courage in leading his party through the enemy barrage and for his work in occupying the Crater, he was awarded a well deserved M.C.
Investigation now showed that the Battalion’s heaviest losses had occurred in the Pollock and the Bean during the trench mortar bombardment early in the evening. The dead and wounded of No. 4 Coy. were strewn along these trenches, which were battered beyond all recognition. Buried in the ruins of his concrete dugout was Capt. G. D. McGibbon, the Company Commander, who died shortly after being released from the wreckage which pinned him down.
Evacuation of the dead and wounded was difficult, as the mud in some places was very deep, especially near the Loop. Here a man would sink up to his thighs in a few