PAGE TWO

DECEMBER, 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

Letters to the Editor and Other People

Mourning the Dead

Congratulations to Michael Bloom for stultifying and dooming himself (review - Wake of the Flood, Nov. 13). I expect to see him in row one at the Dead concert — notebook in hand, hand in pocket, and pen in mouth.

Antediluvian?! He missed it.

Ignatius Donelly Boston

Michael Bloom replies: Dear Ignatz, I almost went to the show because I sin- cerely hoped I was wrong, but despon- dency about the whole idea won out. Since the great step down from Live Dead to Workingman’s, I’ve been disappointed by the Dead more often than not. At this point, while they might still emit a brilliant flash or two in concert, there is nothing on Wake of the Flood that could not have been done as well as by someone else.

Wish I could have met you four years ago —.

The Grateful Dead ‘

Ticket Rip-Off

I am writing this letter on behalf of the nearly gone thousand people -who waited hours, a substantial number over 18 hours, at the Boston Garden for tickets to the rock concert by the ‘‘Who’’. All of these people are victims of Don Law Production’s unfair ticket distribution practices. No one

at the Garden on Monday received arly of ~

the good seats expected from their long wait. In fact, tickets for the entire first 39 rows, the promenades, loges, and first balconies within distance of the stage seemed to be conspicuously absent.

Upon further investigation of the resale ticket agencies, it appears that some thousands of the best seats were not put on sale Monday, but were held from the market until Wednesday, when market demand commanded a higher price for Law from the ticket agencies. On Monday at the Garden, tickets were selling at their marked prices of $7.50, $6.50 and $5.50, with a limit of two tickets per person. Wednesday morning, two selected ticket agencies received over a thousand of these preferred seats and were getting $10.00 for the $7.50 seats, $9.00 for the $6.50 seats, etc., and were selling them in lots of fifty and one hundreds to potential scalpers.

I feel this practice is not morally right for those who waited all Sunday night for those preferred seats. If these were Bruin

tickets and involved the hockey en- thusiasts instead of rock concert tickets for students, the cries of protest would be incredible. But that’s not the case, and everyone knows that it’s just students and we don’t count in Boston — we are just easy prey for exploitation.

Janet Thorpe Brookline

Don Law Replies:

Ms. Thorpe’s letter reflects some basic misconceptions about the role of the concert producer. The producer of such an event never dictates which tickets will be sold by outside agencies and which tickets will be sold at the box office. The ‘‘House’’, in this case the Boston Garden, has control over such decisions.

Ticket agencies receive their tickets directly from the Boston Garden Box Office without any approval from the producer. The producer often has no knowledge of which agencies are selling what part of the tickets available and the producer receives no part of any service charge the agency attaches to the price. The ticket agencies are strictly regulated by the State of Massachusetts and their rates are fixed. Any variation of these rates represents a violation of the law and may subject the agency to a loss of its license.

As for the suggestion that we charge more for productions directed toward the

student population, a check of other major cities will reveal that Boston prices are consistantly lower. For example, tickets will soon go on sale for the Bob Dylan Concert with a top price of $8.00, while in New York and some other cities the top - price will-be $9.50. It was due to our efforts that the price is lower.

We are the only producer to have benefit concerts, free outdoor events and above all, to have brought the best musical talent in the world to Boston on a regular basis. We are able to do this not by exploiting the student population but by trying to be sensitive to its demands. We appreciate your support and regret only that we are unable to satisfy the ticket demands for all attractions.

On Being a Woman To Karen Lindsey:

I had meant to write this immediately on reading your article ‘The Streets: A

Jungle of Male Assaults’. But before I got |

round to it, the following week’s copy of The Phoenix came out carrying your equally clear-headed and articulate comments on the mystique of virginity. So now I really feel I must just write to say how very impressed I am with both pieces.

I came over from England a couple of months ago to live in Boston. Although, being female, I’ve experienced exactly the kind of gauntlet-running male hassling that you describe so well at home, I find it even harder to deal with here, in America. It may well be that the English are more repressed and therefore less annoying on a day to day living basis, also that I’m familiar with the mentality, background and motive of the culprits on the other side

of the Atlantic and better able to judge the extent of any real threat. But now, on my own most of the day (my friend is out at work) until I too find a job, the only contact I have at present with people consists of odd meetings with workmen in our building and my occasional sortie to the local shops. Seemingly the least com- plicated, harmless of pastimes — for a man. But for me it is becoming a major operation to slip out for a loaf of bread — past the gang of men laying whatever pipes it is they are laying on Mass. Ave., the policemen where the traffic lights have broken down, the middle aged businessmen swaggering off for a long lunch, ‘kids’ in their last year of high school, etc., etc. I brace myself, deter- mined not to waste valuable energy

coping-not coping with the inevitable in-

vasion of privacy, before setting foot outside our front door.

I found your article breathtaking in the accuracy with which you pin-point all the aspects of this crazy business. As you say, it’s positively exhausting; keeps one in a constant state of low key fear’ (so right); and means dressing dully to avoid the more overtly unhealthy attention that looking nice attracts. Being a reasonably independent person, I was really begin- ning to resent the fact that I’d rather not go out alone. It was also depressing to see how little men have chosen to understand or cooperate with that wildy advanced concept of treating women as human beings. The oogler on the street takes refuge in the supposed anonimity the situation affords for his particular brand of sexual appraisal, regardless of how disturbing, upsetting or infuriating it might be for the woman involved — and she is involved. ;

One of the reasons your article had such an impact on me is that just a couple of days before it came out I’d been trying to convey to my friend (who fully un- derstands the greater, more publicized problems women have — and entirely sympathises) just how different his per- ception of the world (and the world’s of him) is on seemingly trivial matters from mine, simply through my being a woman. Just what an ordeal walking down a street can be, how difficult it is to stop off alone for a cup of coffee — simple straight- forward acts which to him aren’t even acts in themselves, just daily routines that pass unnoticed. It was almost impossible to explain without sounding overly self- conscious, hung up about sex, sour, overly timid.

It’s drainingly confusing being a woman in 1973 (as confusing as it was being a girl ‘losing’ one’s ‘virginity’ in 1963!) and the odd flash of real insight such as you showed in both articles is reassuring and strengthening. Thank you.

Elaine Richard Boston

Progress Blocked

Our already too slow progress toward more equal educational opportunity has been blocked in Boston, as in many other places, by a simple but important mistake.

-Sipress

We have unwisely allowed a legitimate demand, that minority group parents should be enabled to send their children to good schools, to be turned into a demand that some white parents should be com- pelled to send their children to bad schools. This demand is not legitimate and cannot be made to stick. It is deeply unpopular — nowhere in the country is there a political * majority for it — and unjust. Only when we give it up can we begin to work effectively for what is sensible and just and might with time and effort be made popular and therefore feasible — the right of all parents, of whatever group, to take their

children out of bad schools and put them

into good ones. If our aim is to put pressure on school authorities to provide more good schools, this the way and the only way to do it.

This would also clear up the foggy issue of neighborhood schools, by distinguishing between what is legitimate and just, the right of parents to choose to send their children to a school in their neighborhood, and what is illegitimate and unjust, the right of parents and schools to exclude any children who are not from their neigh- borhood.

It will not be easy for us to do the just and wise thing, even when we know what it is. But knowing is at least the first step.

John Holt Boston

Nixon’s Excuses

Does the Boy Wonder from Whittier actually think that the American people are a bunch of blithering idiots?

For months “King Richard’’ stated,

unequivocally, that he would not turn over .

his cherished tapes to either the courts or the Watergate Committee. Then, with ali the furor over the firing of Archibald Cox, the subsequent resignations of Richardson .and Ruckelshaus, and the court of appeals decision, ‘‘Tricky’s’’ chief counsel, Charles Allen Wright, went before the American public and stated: ‘‘This President does not defy the law, he will turn over the nine Watergate tapes to Judge Sirica.”’

Only now we diseover that the tapes either do not exist, did not record properly or contain certain, ‘‘gaps’”’ which the ad- ministration attributes to ‘‘chuman error”’ or, more specifically, ‘‘Rosemary’s boobo.”’

Mr. President, who’s kidding who? I think that I should inform you that the majority of the American people, myself included, have an IQ above 10, something - you obviously failed to take into con- sideration when you let loose with your latest series of mishmash excuses.

Oh well, Mr. President, you know the old saying: if at first you don’t suceed, try, try again.

Edward J. Julian East Lynn, Mass

. |

THE BOSTON PHOENIX

EMBER 11, 1973

Samples of the Harvard coin collection; some of themaren't there anymore.

In the World of Art, It’s Often a Steal

By Michael Ryan Early in the morning of Sun- day, December 2, a small group of men executed the most in- teresting caper involving Greek coins since Zeus met Danae. Sometime after 12:30, a neatly dressed, middle aged man, with silver-grey hair, horn-rim glasses, and a mustache, ap- peared at the back door of the William Hayes Fogg Art Museum, at the corner of Broadway and Quincy Street in Cambridge. It was an unusual hour for a gallery gazer to arrive at Harvard’s art museum, but he had no trouble getting in. The caller was a Ryan,’’ who had previously arranged the meeting. Ryan,”’ the guard knew, had inadvertently left a shopping bag inside the Museum earlier in the day. He needed it, he had explained in a phone call, because Sunday was his daughter’s birthday, and the bag contained her present. Midnight was the earliest he could get back to pick it up.

It was all a bit out of the or- dinary, but the Fogg is a friendly place, always ready to do its bit for family harmony. When ‘“‘Mr. Ryan’”’ appeared, the door opened for him, as it would for almost anybody «in. a similar

predicament, just as he

pre-arranged.

Just as he had pre-arranged, but without telling Harvard beforehand, ‘‘Mr. Ryan,” pulled a small revolver from his pocket, blindfolded the guard, and let in a band of three or four ac- complices. Quietly, methodically, and very ef- ficiently, they went upstairs to the Coin Room, and set to work removing cases and a safe containing about 5,600 Greek, Roman, and Etruscan coins. Along with the coins, it seems, they also removed all the Museum’s files on the collection giving them a_ complete biography of each piece they took.

Sunday was a busy day at Harvard. Across the street from the Museum, crowds of wor- shippers jammed Memorial Church for the morning service on the First Sunday of Advent. A newsdealer at the corner of Broadway and Quincy Street did a brisk business in Phoenixes, Sunday Times, and Globes. A little after noon, Ralph Ellison, the novelist, brought a friend from New York to the Quincy Street entrance of the Fogg to show him the museum, but was turned”away by a hand-lettered sign announcing that the building was closed for the day. None of

them had yet heard that what some reports would call the biggest art theft in history had eccurred at the Fogga fewhours before.

At press time, it was still not clear how much the stolen coins were worth, although experts were speaking about the one to five million dollar range. The files were gone, the coins were gone, and it would take weeks to reconstruct and evaluate the collection. Within a few days the police had produced composite sketches of three of the people they wanted to question in con- nection with the theft. The F.B.I., assuming that a crime of such magnitude would involve in- terstate transport of stolen goods, put 40 agents on the case. An international law enforcement apparatus was at work, trying to catch up with a couple hundred pounds of gold, silver, and bronze coins, more than 2,000 years old, from diverse cultures and countries, stamped with different languages on different metals, some individually perhaps worth more today than the annual gross national product of some of the fabled city states which had minted them.

Even the scandalous Etruscan

’ grave robbers of the 19th Cen-

tury, who systematically plun- dered the tombs of Northern Italy, plucking the most valuable objects, and destroying the rest, did not begin to approach the

scale of the trade — both legal .

and illegal — in antiquities today. The Euphronios krater caper, which earned the Metropolitan Museum a dubious reputation for its acquisition processes, is the most famous recent example of the spread of palaeomania; it is far from the only one. Museums, wealthy collectors, and even the average suburban chic family next door have all joined in the race to have something old — and genuine — on the wall or in the hall. Greece, Rome and Etruria, Central and South America, and Africa have all yielded up rich stores of art. Where there is art there are art thieves. Collecting antiquities on a large scale, popular wisdom has it, is a game for the rich. In fact, it is much more than a game; the story of Arthur Stone Dewing is a good illustration. Many of the coins stolen from the Fogg must have come from Arthur Stone Dewing’s collection, although the museum was still unable last week to tell how many of the

stolen coins were its own and how .

many were on loan. Likewise, Arthur Stone Dewing’s heirs,

were not eager to advertise his collection, which is now in trust; however, people. in_ the numismatic field were reasonably sure that some of Dewing’s coins must have been involved in the heist.

Arthur Stone Dewing (1880- 1970) was a rock-ribbed Yankee:

doned philosophy forever. Professor Dewing was the author of Financial Policy of Cor- porations .and other books, a pillar of the Harvard Business School, and, by middle age, a wealthy man, who applied his financial knowledge to his per- sonal transactions.Business and

Fogg Museum Coin Room A fter the Heist

bright, articulate, and highly successful. He got his A.B. and Ph.D. from Harvard, studied with the likes of James, Royce, and Santayana, and taught philosophy at his old college for some years. With good Yankee common sense, he felt the need to establish a permanent income for himself and his family — an income, not from salary, mind you, but from capital: hard money, not soft money. For a while he earned extra cash doing special tutoring, and writing popular textbooks the

sciences, but he found himself increasingly drawn to the study of economics, and was soon himself teaching at the Harvard Business School, having aban-

government, he believed, were basically and naturally an- tithetical. They had ‘opposed each other through the long course of human history,” he wrote. ‘‘They were opposed to each other in the Valley of the Nile, and in the Agora, in the Rome of Diocletian, and in the England of Elizabeth.’”’ Dewing kept much of his personal capital in gold, rather than in currency; on the last banking day before Roosevelt declared the Bank

Holiday in 1933, he took his gold

from his box at the Harvard Trust Company, a sign of distrust

in government which one writer .

has called ‘as subtle as a trumpet blast.’ For taking that

precaution, he was pressured into |

_ Coinsin upper photodepicts assorted Greek kings; inlower, divinities

resigning from Harvard, and spent much of the last forty years of his life looking after his avocations, including numismatics.

Dewing’s interest in Greece was bred into him from childhood, and fostered in his college and graduate school days. His interest in Greek coins was a logical combination of his background and his _ business sense. Although the coins stolen from the Fogg are covered with the names of long-forgotten rulers, divinities, and states — Alexander and Antigonos, Athene and Dionysos, Istria and Macedonia — that mean nothing to most of us today, to Dewing, they were a link with the past and a proof of his theories — governments debase currency, but the coins, and the metals they are made of, survive when governments fail.

No one knows exactly how much Dewing paid for his collection, but it is worth more today, far more than perhaps even he could have dreamed. The law of supply and demand is at work, and demand is outstripping supply. Dewing’s faith in the agora — the market place — has been vindicated by his coins.

Art crime has kept pace with the art market over the years, and the sophistication of the art criminal has grown to match the sophistication of the art con- noiseur. The man who stole the Mona Lisa, only to keep it hidden under his bed for years, taught the underworld a lesson: you can’t expect to steal famous art, and peddle it somewhere. Art- napping has become a profitable subdivision of art theft over the past few decades, partly in recognition of that fact. The man who palmed off the magnificent — but altogether phony — Etruscan horses. on_ the Metropolitan Museum half a century ago would never survive in the age of carbon dating. Painting forgers still thrive, of course, although science and the well trained eye make forgery more and more difficult. A few years ago, in a famous New York gallery, an art dealer and a young relative were admiring a painting, labelled as a Chagall.

“There’s a problem here,” the older man said.

“You. mean you think it’s a forgery?’’ the younger replied.

“Of course it’s a forgery, I know that,”’ said the expert. ‘‘The problem is, which forger did it?”’

As this story making the rounds

Please turn to page 30

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PAGE FOUR

Vol. 11/No. 50 1108 Boylston Street Boston, Mass. 02115 Copyright by Y.M.I., Inc. Telephone 536-5390 Publisher & President Stephen M. Mindich Executive Vice President Jonathan E. Fielding Editor Paul Corkery Managing Editor William Miller Art Editors Ben Gerson (music) Janet Maslin (film) R.D. Rosen Deirdre Gallagher (listings) Sports Editor George Kimball Associate Editors Sharon Basco Vin McLellan Constance Paige : Michael Ryan Tom Sheehan Marcia Orovitz (Supplements) Contributing Arts Editors

Ken Baker (art)

Bob Blumenthal Larry Loonin (theatre) Alan Levitan (theatre)

Richard Buell Celia Gilbert (fiction, poetry) Amanda Smith (dance) Contributing News Editors Michael Lupica Carl Oglesby Editorial Assistant Laura Katz General Manager

Howard W. Wolk

Sales- Director

H. Barry Morris

Advertising Sales Coordinator Donna L. Holman Assistant Advertising Coordinator Linda Schuth Sales Asst.

Dale Spiegel Display Classified Sales Manager Paul Matt National Sales Representatives Jeffrey Roberts Howard Temkin Local Sales Representatives Elliot Promisel Jack Wasson Paul Matt Jeff Lockshin Wayne Neale Paul Farbman

Classified Manager Elaine Whitney Theresa Baino, Asst. Art Director John P. Hardiman Art Staff William A. Keoughan Marilyn MacDonald Production Manager Dennis Mahony Layout Editor Michael Lowe Circulation Staff Edward Daly, Director Richard Gagne, Co-Director Brad Hurst, Circ. Coordinator Loftin Elvey, Subscriptions Marie T. Trechok, Admin. Asst. Accounting Ed Shapiro Maura McSweeney Joseph Donohue Credit Manager Richard Turk Lee Emmons, Asst. Receptionist Barbara Milhender

Advertising For advertising display rates call Donna Holman at 536-6760.

Subscriptions Subscriptions are $5/six months, $7.95/one year, $14/two years. Send name, address and ZIP CODE with money order:

Subscription Department Boston Phoenix 1108 Boylston St., Boston 02115 $1.00 more Canada $3.00 more elsewhere Second Class Postage Paid Boston, Mass.

EVENTS

Events will be listed free of charge subject to revision by the editor. All copy must be received by the TUESDAY before publication date. Mail: Attention Events.

MANUSCRIPTS Unsolicited manuscripts are welcomed. However, we can not return them unless a stamped. self-addressed envelope is enclosed.

Keeping Up With Chuck

While serving as President Nixon’s special counsel, Charles W. Colson agreed to intervene in a Justice Department criminal investigation on behalf of a Teamsters Union official iden- tified by Justice as a close friend of a New York Mafia leader, the Washington Post said last week.

The Post said it had obtained a memo sent to Colson by one of his aides which noted the possibility of the union official’s indictment for alleged extortion activity.

According to the Post, Colson wrote on the memo: ‘Watch for this. Do all possible.”

The official was never indicted and the case was dropped.

Colson handled several Teamsters Union matters while in the White House, said the Post. After he resigned his position there to take up private law practice, one of his first clients was the Teamsters Union.

Separated?

Educational workshops for people who have recently filed for divorce or separation are now being held weekly in Cambridge, Arlington, Lexington, Lowell and Waban. Each seminar is limited to 10 participants, and to those who have been separated from their spouse less than a year.

Now in session is the fourth series of ten week workshops. The model for the seminars was developed by the Harvard Lab for Community Psychiatry. What it amounts to is a professional counselling service for the newly separated. The workshops are co- sponsored by the Family Service Office and the Middlesex County Probate Court. For further in- formation call FSO at 876-8000. (ext. 401 or 402) or Rev. Justus Fennel at 527-4451.

Under Cover

From now on when you enter a bar or club and pay a cover charge you'll get a _ receipt. Anyway, if the Alcoholic Beverage Control Commission gets their way, you will. Hearings were held recently’ on new regulations that require bars and clubs to keep records of cover charges. These records, ac- cording to the Commissioner Stanley Lapon, will enable the Commonwealth to collect taxes

that club-owners traditionally

have avoided. :

“They’ve been pocketing the money,”’ Lapon said. ‘‘They’ve been abusing the privilege of the © cover charge without paying their required 10 percent to the state.”

New regulations would make it illegal for a bar or club to require a customer to spend $2.50 or whatever on drinks. (A minimum on food is still legal.) According to ABC Chairman A. Ernest Zangrilli, “You can’t charge that minimum on drinks because it means you are encouraging the

DECEMBER 1, 1273,

consumption of alcohol!’’

The regulations which have to be signed by the Governor, are expected to go into effect before Christmas.

Thai Speaker

Segson Prasertkul, a leader of the successful student uprising in Thailand on October 13, will be speaking in Cambridge about the problems of national_ develop- ment in Thailand.

A student at Thammasart University in Bangkok, Prasertkul is the public relations officer of the National Student Union of Thailand. According to Malcolm W. Browne, New York Times correspondent stationed in Southeast Asia, Prasertkul helped direct the demonstrations of a million or more students and other Thais during the five days of the uprising.

He has written a book on the Indochina War entitled Vietnam:

The Peoples War and _In--

ternational Relations. Recipient of an American Field Service scholarship, Prasertkul, 25, spent a year of high school in Wisconsin. He will be speaking Tuesday, December 11 at the Harvard Law -School in’ Pound Hall*Room 200 at 4 p.m.

Women’s Theatre

A new women’s theatre group, the New York Womanspace Theatre Workshop, will be presenting its play ‘‘Cycles” in Boston this month. The group consists of one Native American and two whites. Their play is an exploration of the gaps in race

and class between the women. It |

and produced.

Said the Village Voice of their work: ‘‘Cycles’ doesn’t dally in the shapeless euphoria of freedom, nor does it spiral into a small center ... All their internal exploring sits firmly in the context of the real world, reaching out to political and moral issues of the day, con- necting it all.”

“Cycles” will be running for two nights at the Om Theatre Workshop at the Boston Center for the Arts, 541 Tremont Street, Sunday, December 16, 8 p.m. for women only, and Monday, December 17, 8 p.m. for women and men. Contribution, $2.50. For more information call 482-4778.

On the Waterfront

The Boston Redevelopment

Authority, reportedly facing federal and local investigations, will announce within two weeks a compromise plan to end eight years of delay in the $100 million waterfront urban renewal project, near the site of last summer’s Citifair, a BRA staff member said Thursday.

The plan will include a large

park and mixed-income housing .

on lots once slated for an ex- pressway and luxury high-rise housing.

Fhe. Authority is apparently

responding to reports that trouble-shooters have been ap- pointed by both the federal Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD) and Mayor Kevin White to look into the causes of long delays on waterfront renewal, as well as possible BRA blundering in the handling of the Park Plaza and Fenway redevelopment projects.

The reports of federal interest in the waterfront came from members of the federal court- appointed North End Waterfront Restudy Committee, a citizen group mandated by the court to recommend alternatives to the 1963 BRA call for large-scale demolition in the one-time market district since placed on the National Registry of Historic Places. A high-ranking member of the citizen group said last week she met with HUD represen- tatives three weeks ago to discuss BRA foot-dragging. On Thur- sday, apparently responding to the federal interest, Kevin White appointed two aides to look into the BRA role in Park Plaza, the Fenway and the waterfront, whose now-vacant lots are rated among the city’s most valuable.

Last week, BRA _ waterfront project director..David Weiner

- was criticized by City Councillor Gerald F. O’Leary for failing to have a detailed renewal plan, taking into account citizen proposals, to accompany a BRA request for $4 million for the 100- acre waterfront project which has already cost $10 million.

The dissident BRA staffer, who has worked closely with the waterfront citizen group, ex- pressed hope that the project and possible investigations of it could be the prelude to a major shake- up in the 200-man BRA so as to redistribute its planning powers to community groups. The waterfront project has attracted particular attention on that count following the precedent-setting court order which halted BRA plans and formed the Restudy

group.

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THE BOSTON PHOENIX, DECEMBER 11, 1973

PAGE FIVE

The Poor...

“Over Here, The Crisis Don’t Much Matter’

By Jack Bresnahan

You’ve got to meet Mike.

Mike McCarthy.

A toothless ex-wrestler with an armful of tattoos. And a background in theology. And a history of trouble-making as a community organizer. And a preference for bisexuality.

She’s quite a woman.

And one of the irregulars that aren’t very uptight about The Coming Depression. They’re not hard to find, the irregulars. Just take the orange line to the low rent district. To Sullivan Square or City Square or Dudley or Dover.

Mike’s not far from Dover, half way out to Northampton. She lives in a grand old apartment with vast windows from another era, in a building with riot and bomb scars from this one. She look down on Blackstone Park, and over to City Hospital, and up the El to Northampton and beyound.

She loves the South End. “Wouldn't leave if I had a million dollars:’’ Like with most everything Mike says, that’s exactly now she feels.

‘Some damn good people here.

“No, they’re not particularly anxious this year about the winter, the future. Today’s enough, gettin by, stayin alive.

“On a scale from one to ten it’s not much of a drop back from two to one. You’d hardly notice. Over here The Crisis don’t much matter.’

Listen to Mike’s voice. Low and compelling, even with her teeth sitting on the mantlepiece. She ends a sénterice down in her chest,’ as' if she’ wete parking them at'a meter in between W.C.

explaining grandmother. And

look at her face, her complexion. ~

Clear, like a nun’s. They used to ‘Say that nuns’ skin stayed so

young because of the serenity,

but there must be something else.

Mike’s never been serene. Been rebelling for years, against her parents, against the German Ursulines, and a lot more since then. For the last few years it’s been health care. She worked for the South End Medical Health Center, then quit that to run the Dental Clinic. ‘‘Made those doctors work. God damn I did. They’re there to provide care for the consumers. And I saw to it that’s what happened. Done a lot of public speaking on the subject. I’ve addressed professional conventions over at the Statler and around. Doctors and dentists from Harvard, Tufts, and all over. O yes.

“The first white-oriented thing I’ve done for years was backin Kathie Sullivan for School Committee. That was quite a turnaround for me after all that time with the blacks and the Spanish. But she deserved it, and

_Mother of God the schools cer- tainly needed it. She’d gotten over that Manhattanville training, and really knows the people. So I backed her, and it made me feel kind of good. Closer to my parents, I guess.”

Up on Mike’s white wall is a

bulletin board. It’s the family-

album. There’s a snapshot of Mike in bed with the kids, ‘Peanuts, and Kevin and Judge and the rest — a bright, sturdy gang. Peanie is the prettiest. She goes to college. Kevin’s full-color school picture looks like the suburbanest upwardly mobile eighth grader you ever saw. Chrissie is pretty too. Especially with makeup. Without it the pimples detract.

Chrissie has her own place

across the street. She’s twenty- one, may be pregnant, has done some prostitution and some time in Charles Street.

“‘Chrissie’s gonna be something. She’s going through hell right now, street life, knockin around, drugs, bisexual mother. That right Chrissie? But she’s gonna come through, be all right.’’ There, Mike parked that sentence and locked the door.

‘*Maa, you need a filing cabinet around here. This place is a mess. All these pictures, papers, you should get organized.”

“One time when Chrissie was in Charles Street they called me up, wanted me to do something with her. She was_ leading a sitdown strike! Protesting health care! See, it runs in the family. Chrissie was more trouble to them in jail than out! That right Chrissie.”’

‘‘O Maaa. Hey, look at me in this shot. In that fur coat. This was last Christmas time. Gee I wish I had.that coat back. It was over in Charles Street, one of the kids was getting out and it was still winter. I wasn’t getting out ‘til summer so I gave her the coat. That was a nice coat, wish I had it now — I’ve got other coats, but that was fur. Ma, give me this picture?”’

“No.”’

“Come on Maa. Give me the picture and I’ll give you, you know, one of those plastic cubes to put pictures in.”

“That pictures stays here.”

“O Maaaaaa.”’

“Don’t whine, Chrissie. And don’t get fresh with your mother.

_ The wrestler.” ,

“Come oh Maa. It’s the only

- pict in that coat. I’ll get Field ‘aiid Kate Smith, like an” ot mein goat: Bet...

you a present Maaa.”’

‘I don’t need a thing right now Chrissie m’dear. I’m ‘doing all right just now. Mister, don’t ever be a mother. Don’t talk to me about energy crisises, bein’ a mother is enough Brian turn down that radio and make the damn dog shut up,”’

Walk with Mike down Shawmut Avenue or Brookline Street and you'll meet a lot of people. But you won’t run into much of The New Anxiety. It’s just not up significantly over fourth quarter, calendar seventy-two:

“Hi, Mrs. McCarthy!”

“Hi, Patsey, how’s school? Hello Joe you black old bastard, where you been? Figured they’d

Meet Mike McCarthy: One of the Irregulars

sent you back to Africa or something.’’

“‘Have to see you Mike. I need some dental work.”

“‘We’ll talk about it later at the subshop okay Joe? Need some

new teeth huh? Better get gold

ones so people can see you at —

night.” Drop in to visit Laurie the bartender: . “Any pork today Laurie?’ “Not til Friday Mike.’’ “*Yaaa, that’s what they said.” “‘Heard anything about the fire Mike?”’

“Sure went up fast. Sure would like to have had that old bar for my hallway. Been watching that bar for a long time, good piece of wood.”’

If you really press the issue around here you might get a guy to say: “I’m burning tar right now. Bottom of the barrel stuff. Means I have to clean the filters every other day. But it throws off good heat. Don’t get it on your hands though. You never get that stuff off.’’ That’s about as far as it will go.

“‘Pauline..How are you, good

Jaye 4 ey,

to see you, how’s the kid?”

‘*Hello Mike. Good to see you. She’s’ oo-kay.’’ Pauline’s a very pretty Puerto Rican with sparkly eyes and a smile that throws off good heat. She’s a Spanish interpreter at the police station. Her thirteen year old was raped a while back.

“IT got a call you know Mike. Pressure. Trying to keep me from testifying. I told him screw. O, and I’m going on the cops, Mike. Yeaa, going to The Academy couple of days a week, and it’s good.”

“God damn it Pauline, if you take up arms I’m gonna bust you right in the face.”

‘“‘No, Iam Mike. I’m gonna be a good cop.”

“Yeaaaa. You will be. Maybe it’s okay, you should take up arms. Put ‘em down on the pushers too. Okay, see you Pauline.”

“See you Mike.”

“See that guy over there — that’s my Brian's Godfather. Hey! — I'm gonna have Brian come down have a talk with you!”

“Okay Mike! I’m not going anywhere.”

Hang around the old Franklin Square House — not Mike’s turf — and you might hear some Crisis Talk. Nothing heavy, just frittering talk while the golden agers wait for the afternoon beano game.

Listen:

‘“‘You’re old enough to remember Hitler moving into Poland?” ‘

“O sure Jim. That was the World War Two?”’

was working over to Charlestown, making switch handles for submarines, in those days. They had to’ be laminated so they wouldn’t split when the sailors would use them on the submarines. We had gas rationing back in those days.”

“O sure I remember. Jim do you remember that guy, little fella used to come in here? Little short guy, I think he was kind of dum. Nice little guy, little Jewish guy maybe? He died. Do you remember him Jim?”

I heard.”

“He died. Just after Thanksgiving. They found him dead in the morning. He never drank, but I think maybe he drank — took a couple over the

Please turn to page 12

The New Food Stamps Program

Getting Nothing for Nothing

By Connie Paige

Whatever other crises the New Year brings, 1974 promises to be a lean year for the poor.

By order of the Agriculture and Consumer Protection Act passed

last August by Congress — a .

piece of legislation that hardly protects the poverty-stricken consumer — the government as of July 1 will discontinue the surplus foods program once designed to give free food to the poor. Beginning January 1, local welfare agencies will begin to phase in instead a food stamps

program, under which low in- .

come families can buy coupons at discount prices to be traded in for goods on the open market.

Only 37 communities on the Cape and Islands are presently enrolled in food stamp programs, and the remaining 314 cities and towns in Massachusetts, in- cluding all the large urban

centers, are getting surplus foods.

While food stamps in theory offer more freedom of choice than the old government handout system, critics are saying that not all of those now elgible for surplus foods will be able to take advantage of the new program, and that those who do won’t receive a sufficient discount. In the interim between January and July, they will be faced with a steadily dwindling supply of food, due to the shortage of surpluses nationwide. If the Welfare Department fails to certify everyone by the end of June, moreover, some will go without necessary subsidies altogether.

With the astonishing candor that sometimes marks the Commonwealth’s public officials, Mike. Rolli, director of all the public assistance food programs in Massachusetts, gave one man’s explanation as to. why

some recipients will elect not to use food stamps. ‘‘Massachusetts happens to have a_ tendency where people like to get something for nothing,” said Rolli. ‘In the stamp program, they have to put up money to get stamps. With food prices so high these days, people like to stretch their dollar. Whether they will do it this way, I don’t know.” Actually, it is more a question of simple arithmetic. Most people on public assistance are in debt to a greater or lesser extent. After they pay off last month’s in- stallments and bills for rent and utilities, they cannot afford to lay out large sums for a month’s supply of stamps. Even if they can scare up some cash, likely they will not be enough to buy

’ their full share of stamps.

According to Cliff Walton, a member of United Peoples, Inc., a multifaceted grassroots ad- vocacy group in. Framingham,

the typical family of four — say a mother with three children ages 5, 8 and 10 — receives the following monthly allowance from the Welfare Department:

$134.27 rent and utilities 120.96 food 38.51 clothing 8.36 personal care 7.40 home supplies $309.50 TOTAL Having surveyed living arrangements in the Framingham area, Walton

predicts that this family could find housing for no less than $155

‘per month, and would have to

spend at least an additional $50 on utilities. This means that they would have to borrow $70.73 from their food allotment, leaving a mere $50.23 per month for stamps. Their income level en-

Please turn to page 26

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DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

PAGE SIX —

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Energy Crisis: Who Caused It?

When President Nixon huddled with advisers to map out his master plan for the energy crisis, he should have read two drably written government reports which put the debacle in proper perspective.

First, a Senate committee report released four weeks ago shows that the petroleum _in- dustry itself deliberately caused the fuel shortage by sharply cutting back production of fuel oil and gasoline, just when they knew they should be increasing it. And second, a report by Nixon’s own executive offices a year ago points out that the very con- servation measures Nixon has finally ordered are among the least effective and most non- sensical possible.

But these notes of reality were

lost in the President’s exhor- tations for individual sacrifice. And they worked. My frugal 95- year-old grandfather, who has shunned electric appliances and burning light bulbs as long as I can remember, turned down his thermostat five degrees. He believes Nixon’s philosophy that we should look for energy con- servation, along with patriotism, in the home — not at Exxon, General Motors or ‘Union Car- bide. The origins of the energy crisis, which both Nixon and his former energy adviser, John Love, must know well, are laid out in a dry 112-page report by the Sub- committee on Investigations of the Senate Government Operations Subcommittee, called “Staff Study of the Oversight and Efficiency of Executive Agencies With Respect to the Petroleum Industry, Especially As It Relates to Fuel Shortages.”’

The report doesn’t exactly accuse the petroleum industry of selfish motives, but it does note two interesting events leading up to the energy shortage: one was the Tax Reform Act of 1969, which cut the industry’s beloved oil depletion allowance for the first time in 45 years from 27.5 percent to 22 percent. Oil depletion allowance reaps the industry several billion dollars a year, so the oil companies, the report notes, ‘‘warned that it (the cut) would reduce the incentive to expand crude oil production.”’ “Reduce the incentive”’ is an oil industry euphemism for black- mail.

Senate subcommittee says, in- dustry statistics began to show that ‘‘nearly all of the 10 largest majors (oil companies) lost ground to the Independents during the prior year (1969). The rate of sales increases for the Independents was three times that of the majors.’’ The industry giants needed a way to drive the encroaching Independents off, if not out of business. Independents, the Senate report observed, ‘have historically been the primary source of price com- petition and low cost innovative methods of marketing.”

To make a long and outrageous story short, the petroleum companies refused to take easy steps to avert a shortage which both industry and government experts predicted was coming, but not yet inevitably.

During the first four months of 1972, the major companies, east of the Rocky Mountains, operated

their refineries at only 84.2:

percent of their capacity, ‘‘lower than for any comparable month” of the last two years. As the winter season approached, the federal Office of Oil and Gas figured that the industry would

About the same time, the

have to run their refineries at just 92 percent capacity in order to meet demands — and the government sent telegrams to all the giants “‘stressing the need to increase refinery output.” But the giants refused, holding back their refineries to 89 percent just as the winter demand was chilling the nation. The refineries were busy producing gasoline instead of fuel oil, since price controls kept fuel oil a cent or two cheaper. As Cities Service flatly told the government: ‘‘While the company has the ability to switch (from gasoline to fuel oil) they do not plan to do so. The company (and the industry) has a market for all the gasoline they can produce.’’ Yes, Humble Oil representatives told government officials, the industry should boost refinery runs to avert a shortage — but “economic in- centive to operate at these levels does not exist.’’

The Senate report sums it up: ‘‘With low inventories of fuel oil at the beginning of the heating oil season, it was necessary for the giants of industry to maintain maximum production. Instead, they reduced refinery runs... With this less than all out production, the shortage was inevitable...”

That was the beginning of the fuel oil shortage in winter— our automobiles had plenty of gas. So how did the industry create a gasoline shortage by summer? In early 1973, the government allowed the majors to boost fuel oil prices 8 percent — so, the companies magnanimously stepped up fuel oil production and cut back on gasoline, just as fuel oil demand started ebbing and gasoline demand started growing again.

During the first five months of this year, refineries produced only 90 percent of capacity. In June, they suddenly jumped to 94.9 percent capacity, as if to show they were making a heroic effort to save the nation from a shortage — but it was ‘‘too late to avert the gasoline shortage which occurred during the peak summer driving season.”’

All this had exactly the effect which the oil giants wanted: more than 1000 gas stations closed, with at least another 1000 on the brink — most of them independents. The oil companies reaped the biggest profits in their history, fattened from the

. previous year by 50.to 91 percent.

There were some faint glimmers of reality: a Federal Trade Commission report suggested in July that the shortages were caused by the industry’s monopoly, a California federal grand jury began investigating industry anti- trust activities, and Florida’s attorney general sued the 15 majors, charging they had conspired to create the gasoline shortage. But what are these isolated and futile efforts compared with the massive energy industry?

The suits will drag on in the courts — it’s winter again, our homes are getting colder, and the oil industry is bringing us a repeat performance of the fuel oil and gasoline shortage. President Nixon seems to have convinced most of the nation that the ‘‘sudden cutoff of oil from the Middle East’’ turned expected shortages ‘‘into a major crisis’’ — which is a lot of nonsense, ignoring the total control which seven private corporations exert over the energy which sustains or cripples our nation. Nixon warns Please turn to page 29

— ath | POS : x | :

THE BOSTON PHOENIX, DECEMBER 11, 1973

PAGE SEVEN

Owen lade’ Need to

Q. | want to be a poet but everything in my life seems so normal and uninspired. Are well-known poets really normal people or have they all had some inspirational experience? — L.K., Somerville.

A. A touch of insanity might be what you need. A survey of 52 English and French poets by Colin Martindale of the University of Maine has found that most famous poets were mentally unbalanced and that most of them lost their fathers at a very early age. He found that almost 50 percent of the poets were psychopaths and 15 percent were psychotic. Thirty of the 50 poets had lost their fathers at an early age. Byron, for example, was extremely paranoid and never left his house unarmed.

Q. Are any of the TV stations planning anything big Rock wise for New Year’s Eve? — B.M., Ipswich.

A. Yes, NBC is planning to televise a Rock bash to welcome in '74. The 90-minute special on the 31st will be hosted by George Carlin and will feature Tower of Power, the Pointer Sisters and Billy Preston. Music will « ome from the grand ballroom aboard the Queen Mary in Long Beach, California and from Times Square in New York.

Q. Does “impt.”’ stand for “important” or “impotent?”

A. “Impt.”’ is the abbreviation for important and there is no abbreviation for impotent. However, if you have seen it in a “Personals” classified section it probably means impotent.

Q. I am very interested in two football teams which once played for Boston. The first team is the Boston Redskins whowere formed in 1932-33 and in 1936-37 moved to Washington D.C. to become the Washington Redskins. The other team is the Boston Patriots who recently became the New England Patriots.

Most especially, I am interested in how these teams, the Boston Redskins and the Boston Patriots got their names. If you can cast any light I'd be grateful. — A.M.K., Fredericton, New Brunswick.

The Boston Redskins originally played at Braves Field, and, like the football and baseball New York Giants (or for that matter, in the

- same era, the football and baseball

Brooklyn Dodgers) shared the name of their baseball landlords. After a dispute over the lease, they moved to Fenway Park. While not wishing to retain the name “Braves,’’ owner George Preston Marshall didn’t want to completely alter the image, team insignia, etc., ergo “Redskins.’”’ The name stuck when the team moved. The name “Boston Patriots” was chosen from thousands of sub- missions in a contest held to name the team when it was formed before the 1960 season. When the Patriots moved to Foxboro, halfway between Boston and Providence, it was changed for a few months to “Bay State Patriots,’’ which provoked a great deal of public snickering since team President Billy Sullivan (whose initials also happen to be “B.S.” happened to live on Bay State Road in Wellesley.) A few months of being referred to in the newspapers as the “B.S. Patriots” (and “in order to enhance the regional appeal of the team”) management was persuaded that “New England” might be more appealing.

. I need to know this before I cover my

entire kitchen floor with bottles. Where can I take them to be recycled? I live in Cambridge, and have a car, but I really don’t want to have to go too. far, and I'd like to do it as a regular thing. The bottles are two rows deep along an entire wall of the kitchen, and I've got to get rid of them soon. I don’t want to give up and throw them out, since this is the first

effort I've made to be ecological. I looked through the classifieds in the Phoenix, and all the ads, but I saw.no information on recycling. — M.C., Cam bridge.

A. The City of Cambridge has no bottle recycling plan although they do have a newspaper recycling program. However, Pepsi Cola Company does have a recycling program and you can take any kind of bottle to their bottling plant at 130 Western Avenue in Allston. The bottles should have the metal caps and the labels removed. They should also be sorted as to color.

Anyone Want to Tango?

Q. IT read ina recent Brandon biography that President Nixon was refused a private screening of “Last Tango in Paris” in the White House by United Artists. Can this be so? — M.S., No. Weymouth.

A. He was probably refused because he doesn’t use butter. However, at United Artists Pictures they say they have no record of any such request.

Reader's Department

Dear Owen,

There was mention in an issue about causes of heart attacks. Simply for your information, two doctors at Mount Zion. Hospital in San Francisco have theorized that coronaries are not caused by smoking, diet, lack of exercise or overweight. Their studies have shown that over 90 percent of all Americans who suffer from coronaries exhibit a strikingly similar behavior pattern, which they have named “Type A- Behavior Pattern.”

In brief, Type A behavior is marked by a keen sense of time urgency, restlessness, aggressiveness and com- petitiveness (including a certain amount of free-floating hostility). It can also be seen as a sort of chronic continuous struggle — against circumstances, against other people, against the individual himself. The doctors have also shown how this sort of behavior can actually lead to deterioration of the coronary arteries, end the subsequent heart attack.

The doctors’ names are Meyer Friedman and Ray Rosenman, and we are publishing their book on Type A behavior next March.

David Bain Alfred A. Knopf Inc. Sir: New York

In one of your columns, one of your replies was most inaccurate. The first episode of Star Trek was shown on NBC on Sept. 8, 1966. The last was shown in January of 1969. The reason Star Trek ended was because during its third year,

’ it was shifted to 10:00 p.m. Friday

nights. This ‘caused the ratings to go down, which caused NBC to cancel the show. The rest of your information was correct. T.T., Sudbury

* Want the facts? Have something you

need to know? Write: Owen Slade c/o Boston Phoenix, 1108 Boylston St., Boston, Mass. 02215.

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PAGE EIGHT

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A Green Light

For Park Plaza

By Tom Sheehan

Very soon, in January perhaps, developer Mort Zuckerman will be granted the official okay to do with the Park Square area as he pleases.

The Boston Redevelopment Authority’s submission to the state last week of its latest “plans”’ for the $266 -million Park Plaza project means that state approval of those plans is vir- tually guaranteed.

The current timetable calls for a quick round of public hearings on the matter, starting Dec. 17, and state approval by late January.

The new submission was hammered out at a series of 10 or 12 meetings between state Community Affairs Commr. Lewis Crampton, who must grant the approval, and BRA Director Robert Kenney and his deputy, Stuart Forbes.

At least one associate of Gov. Francis Sargent played a role in

- the negotiations leading to the

new submission. According to a spokesman for Crampton, governor’s aide Albert Kramer called up both Crampton and developer Zuckerman and urged them to iron out their differences.

This is the fourth time the BRA has sought approval for its Plaza plans. The last time around Crampton approved the plans but tacked on conditions that developer Zuckerman said he couldn’t meet.

Zuckerman later said he’d changed his mind and would be glad to wait while a report on the project’s environmental impact was completed, as long as he didn’t have to spend any money on it.

When BRA head Robert Kenney said that was unac- ceptable, that he would insist the developer share the expense of the environmental study, it ap- peared that Park Plaza was finally dead.

But Kenney caved in. The new arrangement officially submitted last week calls for the state to come up with the money for the study, not Zuckerman.

The new submission before the state is the same urban renewal plan, line for line, that has been rejected by the state in the past. It calls for the construction of high-rise towers for a_ hotel, apartments and office space, beginning in the Park Square

area and moving toward the Combat Zone. The Combat Zone is a separate stage of the project; its redevelopment is not fully guaranteed.

(After the last rejection by the state, Zuckerman confused matters by announcing he had a new plan radically different from the old one, and a map showing

that plan got wide press coverage. But you can discard that plan, as the BRA quickly did.)

Although the Plaza plan itself is precisely the same as it has always been, the new material in the latest submission can be found in a ‘‘supplemental letter of intent,” a device used by the BRA so that it can avoid the necessity of getting Boston City Council approval once more.

The timetable in this new letter of intent runs roughly as follows: after the expected state okay in January, the BRA will get to work on the environmental im- pact report, which must also be okayed by Crampton.

The BRA can take as long as it pleases in the preparation of that report. There is no statutory time limit on it, according to a spokesman for Crampton.

After that, opponents of the project will most likely go to court. How long the legal battle might take is anyone’s guess.

Only after the conclusion of those court battles does Cramp- ton have to get to work, if he chooses to. He has a 27-month period in which to get the project off the ground, a period during which the state can’t interfere at all.

If Zuckerman runs a year behind schedule for reasons that are within his control, he is supposed to forfeit a $1.5 million deposit made at the outset.

But Plaza opponents say that if Zuckerman chose not to build a thing, he could escape with his $1.5 million through one of many loopholes.

‘‘What they did,” said Bernard Borman, president of the Beacon Hill Civic Association and a member of the Park Plaza Civic Advisory Committee, ‘‘was to close up a few loopholes by specifically naming them in the letter of intent. But there are many more.”

“This thing’s brilliant,’ said Borman. ‘‘Zuckerman’s a genius. He can tie up Park Square for years by simply doing nothing.”

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.By Connie Paige

DECEMBER 11.1 TH

Conspiracy Theories Swirl in Chile

Conspiracy theories on the rise of the military in the U.S. are now being spun out of Chile, a country that itself has recently undergone a military coup.

Joseph Collins, a member of the Washington based Institute for Policy Studies, visited Chile with Massachusetts Congressman Michael Harrington in November. After Harrington returned to the States, Collins stayed on a day longer to confer with two members of the junta, General Gustavo Leigh, second in command in Santiago, and Federico Willoughby who is ‘“‘a combination between Ron Ziegler and Alexander Haig,” said Collins.

In the course of their conversation, Collins reported, ‘Leigh said he expects a military government in the United States within a decade.”’

Leigh based his assessment on the faet that the United States is experiencing ‘‘a growing despondency over the political process, and the feeling will increase that politics and politicians should be placed in recess,”’ said Collins.

The Rand Corp.

Willoughby, at one time an employee in the United State Embassy who went on to work for the Ford Motor Company and finally the junta, added, according to Collins, that the conditions for a military

government in the United States ‘began years ago with the Rand Corporation and have since then become much more advanced.”’

(Rand is the prototype ‘‘think- tank”’ corporation set up by the Air Force after the second World War and given independent, non- profit status in 1948. Among other functions, the Rand Corporation assesses thé relationship between the defense establishment and private corporations both at home and abroad. Rand and similar research and development groups provide the information grist for policy-makers within the without the government, and helps solidify the already strong links between business and the military. Since the forties, many corporations have established similar advisory subsidiaries along the Rand model that do studies both for the Pentagon and for their own use on countries where they have or plan to have investments.

(The Chilean leaders would be particularly sensitive to the

importance of ‘‘think-tank’’

operations, since their own history has been so much influenced by them. It is certain that multi-national corporations with holdings in Chile primarily controlled by U.S. interests were conducting research on their own on Chilean institutions and political movements. ITT, for example, is known to have hired people right out of Harvard and MIT to study the possibilities for

future investment in Chile. )

Envisioning a period of turmoil in the United States in the years ahead, Leigh expressed his hope to Collins that military governments in Latin America could reduce the necessity for American military aid by banding together in their own alliance. Apparently the Chilean leaders are sanguine about the survival of their regime, and therefore the possibility of entering into such a union. According to Collins, Willoughby explained this optimism by saying, ‘‘before the coup I took time to read the world press on Brazil and Greece and found out that after the initial outcry, people forgot what was happening in those countries.”’

CIA Involvement

Immediately after the coup, there was speculation in this country that it was engineered and financed by the CIA. Chile- watchers at the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) identified several long- time CIA operatives who were attached to the United States Embassy in Santiago at the time, and suggested that they formed a ‘coup team’’ similar to those that have helped overthrow other popularly elected governments in Latin America.

The Committee for Action Research on the Intelligence Community (CARIC) in Washington has since come up

with a different scenario for the United States involvement. CARIC member Tim Butz, for four years a reconnaissance expert in Vietnam with the United States Air Force, outlined the plan something like this.

The CIA, thinks Butz, played only a minor role — supporting right wing groups before the coup, and helping the contribute to Chile’s economic chaos by flooding the market with dollars, encouraging the middle class to hoard scarce goods and playing some part in the prolonged truck owners’ strike — perhaps in league with multinational corporations that had Chilean holdings nationalized by Allende.

The major United States input into the coup, suggests Butz, was directly from the Pentagon, in the form of American weapons, advisors and aircraft coordinating the Chilean military’s attacks.

The junta’s seizure of state power on September 11 was spearheaded by an assault on the Presidential Palace, the Moneda, in Santiago. Photos of the Moneda after it was attacked obtained by CARIC show the surrounding area virtually undamaged. This kind of destruction could have been accomplished, in Butz’s opinion, only by the so-called ‘‘smart”’ bombs and rockets, weapons that the Chilean "vilitary reportedly did not possess. The United States may have supplied these

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weapons to Chile specifically for the coup.

Americans working for the Defense Attache Office in Santiago, part of the Defense Intelligence Agency, may have been involved in training the Chilean military to use these precision weapons, says Butz, on information from a Congressional source who asked not to be identified. Unsubstantiated reports indicate that people working for the Defense Attache Office were celebrating the success of the coup at an Air Force base at Mendoza, Argentina several days before the coup. It is possible, Butz thinks, that this base was used to train Chilean pilots for the coup.

The B-57 Flight Agencia Aranco, a clandestine leftwing group in Chile, has

charged further that a B-57 plane

with four North American pilots was seen over Chile the day of the ‘coup. This allegation first appeared in the Argentinian newspaper EI Mundo on October 31. The plane, according to El Mundo, flew two missions over Chile on September 7 and another two on September 10, and four more missions from September 11 through 13. The day of the coup, the B-57 allegedly took off from Mendoza, Argentina, flew to La Serena, Chile, and then on to Montt Puerto, and had three emergency landing zones in Chile in case of trouble — Cerrollos, Pudahuel and Cerro Moreno, all in Chile.

The plane was equipped, said the reports, with sophisticated communications equipment, and played a central role in coordinating communications for the Chilean military, an allegation that was also made by an Argentinian Congressman Hector Sandler. Butz, who is familiar with this type of aircraft, added that B-57’s do carry routinely the sort of equipment that would have been valuable in facilitating communications.

(An Air Force spokesman who asked that his name not be used, contacted November 21 at the Pentagon, told the Phoenix that a plane with the same license number as the one mentioned in the El Mundo article did leave Mendoza, Argentina, ‘‘on a scheduled international flight plan’”’ on September 11. ‘‘It was not flying over Chile,’’ said the spokesman. ‘‘It did not intrude into Chilean airspace.’’ He maintained that the plane was a ‘‘weather aircraft.’’)

Butz supports his theory with a comment from a former CIA agent who just recently left the agency’s Analytical Branch. The agent claimed that liberal elements within the CIA think that the junta overreacted and will push the masses of Chileans to the left. ‘If you think morale in the CIA was bad a year ago,” he is reported to have said, “‘you should see it now,” indicating that the CIA was in no position to orchestrate the coup in Chile.

Chances are that we may not — find out the facts, at least not for quite a while. The two Congressional committees that launched an investigation into United States involvement in the coup in September . abruptly suspended their hearings in November after having interrogated only a few witnesses, most of them government officials.

Two resources on the situation in Chile are NICH at 492-0489 and CARIC, P.O. Box 647, Ben Franklin Station, Washington, D.C. 20044. CARIC publishes a quarterly newsletter called Counter Spy and the bi-weekly Intelligence Report.

| | | | i 5 ‘ay 4 : = \

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‘ |

PAGE TWELVE

DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

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Holidays — and it got to him. They found him in the morning. His Social Security has just arrived. They brought his Social Security down to the super.”’

“T heard.”’

“O I felt sorry for him. Lovely little fella. His Social Security

- was in the mail box. I think we’re

coming to the end of the world Jim. I do. They’re cutting down on the Social Security, spending money foolishly. Where are our politicians Jim? Where are they. Why don’t our politicians do something about it Jim?”

“It doesn’t have to do with the politicians. It’s not with them at all. It’s the guvament.”’

Now we’ll go to Iggy’s.

7-UP IGGY’S SUBS PIZZA.

Iggy is_a ferocious woman, a friend of Mike. She has two black little eyes and a glorious nose that separates her face into hemispheres.

There’s a sign on the counter and says ‘‘Please do NOT order a sub if you cannot PAY for it.” But it doesn’t mean a thing.

‘Around here you live off the checks, ya know? That means for two weeks you do very well, and then for two weeks you wait.” (According to Mike, Iggy is apt to wait a good deal longer than that.)

“This is a neighborhood of poor people, ya know? And _ poor people has got to eat just like you’ve got to eat. I’m making out all right and‘ I’m gettin stocked up, and I will not go up on my prices because people around here cannot afford to pay more. I see subshops all over town going up on their prices and you get maybe one slice of roast beef in a sub. My subs stay the same and you get anywhere between. three and four slices of roast beef. And that’s how it’s gonna be. And the people know it and_ they respectcha for it.

“I’ve been running sub shops at different times for twenty years now, all over the South End, and I never once been mugged or beaten. Twenty years and I never so much as took a swing from a guy, knock on wood.

“They bombed out the drug store on the corner, they bombed the liquor store next door, and they bombed on the other side of me, but they never once bombed me. I just stood there in the window looking out and they never so much as broke a win-

dow. Course I did suffer what you call smoke damage. But I fixed it up myself, me and the girls, and I never even asked for a

‘dime. Cost me something like

a thousand dollars for paint and new stock, and all right out of my own pocket cause I never so much as asked for a dime.

‘All I ask is to be left alone, ya know? To run my business in my own way, and for twenty years I haven’t had much trouble. Well, one time a few years ago when I had the subshop further up the street near the carwash, a guy came behind my counter and took thirty dollars out of the cash register.

“I told him he could either put the money back or try to walk out the door. Well he tried walking out the door so I hit him in the middle of the back with a pot of extremely hot fat. He didn’t go out the door, he went to the City Hospital. The law came back and later and wanted me to prosecute. But I told them no, that guy would have those third degree burns scars long enough to remind him not to go after thirty dollars again. I don’t mind one or two dollars to spread the fun around a bit, but thir- ty dollars.”

The most amazing things happen here at Iggy’s:

Notice the kids playing school.

A black, a couple of coffee regulars, a couple of whites doing the table of twelves together. They’re not making much noise, in fact they’re better behaved than kids have a right to be. But

Iggy badgers as a matter of form. -

“God damn it you kids keep it down! And don’t get out of your chairs. This is a _ business establishment! And Scotty you better have something to eat, your mother is going to be pretty mad at you if you don’t. Damn kids.”’

Notice the black guy by the radiator, in a cloud of wine, with the secret. smile, muttering himself an endless story.

Notice the women with the swept-up white hair chatting over their coffees. ‘‘... and the most beautiful golden lions. In those days they used to throw the Christians to the lions to be eaten, just for believing that God was up in heaven. There were the most beautiful colors. O I used to love to look at those pictures.”

You could sit here till the seventeenth of March and probably never hear a word about The Great Gas War, the Opel Kadette versus thirteen miles to the gallon, or sixty-eight degrees.

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PAGE FOURTEEN

ever 'RIGMIOIG

- DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

Number 5 in a series

You don't have to

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plan passed by Congress in 1962, gives self-employed individuals in unincorpo- rated businesses or partnerships a limited version of a privilege long available to corpo- rations: To invest tax-free dollars for employee pensions, and to defer any tax upon the income earned.

A Keogh Plan allows you to put up to 10% of your income each year (not to exceed $2,500) in such investments as life insurance, mutual funds, re*irement bonds, or savings accounts. The choice of investment is up to you as long as it falls within guidelines established by the Internal Revenue Service.

The money you contribute to your plan, and the income that accumulates, is exempt from Federal and Massachusetts income tax until it is paid out as benefits.

Except in case of physical disability or death, no money may be withdrawn from your plan until you retire. You can start collecting benefits (either in a lump sum or in installments) no sooner than age 59% and no later than age 70%. The benefits you collect in each retirement year will be taxed as part of your income for that year, when you'll prob- ably be in a lower tax bracket than you were before retirement. You'll also qualify for an additional exemption when you reach age 65.

If you have any employees, they usually must be included in your plan. You must con- tribute at least the same percentage of each employee’s salary to the plan as you do your own. These contributions are tax-deductible for you as an employer, and very beneficial for your employers, who may collect the money contributed for them upon retirement or in case of physical disability or termination of employment for any reason.

A Keogh Plan normally operates on a calen- dar year. If you invest in one before December 31, you qualify for tax deductions on this year’s tax return. That’s a good reason to talk to your bank, broker, or insurance agency about setting up a Keogh Plan soon.

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Feminist Calendar

Sunday, Dec.9 Daughters of Bilitis, 419 Boylston St., Boston; 264-1592: Women’s basketball, 2-4 p.m. at

the Cambridge YWCA, 7 ©

Templel St., followed by swimming.

Women’s Center, 46 Pleasant St., Cambridge; 354-8807: 2 p.m.., single mothers’ meeting: 8 p.m. introductory meeting.

Channel 5 TV: Your Place and Mine, 12:30 p.m. Black women speak.

WRKO Radio: Generation: China Altmann’s series on sexuality. 9 p.m.

Monday, Dec. 10

Women’s Center: Pregnancy and abortion counselling, Mon.., Tues., Thurs., 2-8 p.m., Sat. 12-4 p.m. Call 547-2255.

WBCN-FM: The Women’s Show, 6:30 p.m.

COPE, 316 Shawmut Ave.. Boston: Ongoing, supportive group. Call 267- 6748.

Female Liberation, 639 Mass. Ave., Cambridge: 491-1071: Biweekly general meeting 7 p.m.

Channel 56 TV: 10:35 a.m., NOW’s Public School Task Force.

Hearings on Equality in the Public Schools sponsored by Board of Education, 55A Chapel St., Newton, 10 a.m. For information call 965-2405.

Tuesday, Dec.11

DOB, Gay women’s rap, 7:30 p.m.

Women’s Center: Lesbian Therapy Research Group meeting, 7 p.m.

Female Liberation: Women's Cultural Series presents an exhibition of two women artists, Suzanne Collins and Bess Cutler, at U.Mass. Boston Art Gallery 100 Arlington St., 10 a.m. to 4

p.m. through Dec. 14. Co-

sponsored by U.Mass. Boston

Women’s Studies Board. Wednesday, Dec. 12

Female Liberation: Orientation meeting, 7 p.m.: Tools to Deal with Discrimination.

DOB: Lesbian mothers rap. 7:30 p.m.

WTBS-FM (88.1) the NOW Hour, 6 p.m.

Channel 5 TV: 3:30 a.m. Your Place and Mine. Black women.

NOW orientation meeting, at home of Janet Stone. Call NOW 267-6160, for information.

Thursday, Dec. 13

Women’s Center: . Lesbian meeting, 7 p.m.

WBUR-FM: 8 p.m. If a woman Answers, with Jane Backner; 9 p.m., The Gay Way, with Elaine Noble.

NOW, Eastern Mass. Chapter: general meeting and elections. 2 Garden St., Cambridge.

Friday, Dec. 14

Cranberry House Puppets, Mary Churchill’s feminist puppet show, performs three times a day thru Dec. 16 at Horticulture Hall, 300 Mass. Ave., Boston; 536-9280.

Saturday, Dec. 15

Women’s Center School auction and rummage sale, 11 a.m. to 4 p.m. at the First Congregational Church, 11 Garden St., Cambridge, at Harvard Square. NOW action, 200th anniversary of the Boston Tea Party, to protest taxation without equality. Assemble 10 a.m. at Old Corner Bookstore, 50 Bromfield., Boston; march for ERA follows.

Sunday, Dec. lb

DOB: Women’s basketball and swimming at Cambridge YWCA. 2-4 p.m.

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THE BOSTON PHOENIX, DECEMBER 11, 1973

PAGE FIFTEEN

For and About Women

The YWCA: A Tradition of Feminism

By Karen Lindsey When I first decided to write a column on the Boston and Cambridge YWCAs, it was with the idea of finding out whether the current women’s movement had succeeded in radicalizing an institution I'd always seen as genteel, conservative, and drearily wholesome. Talking to some of the women who worked at these YWCAs, I discovered instead a tradition of feminism I'd never known existed.

First, I learned that the YWCA is emphatically not a ladies’ auxiliary to the YMCA. While in some communities the two have worked together, in others there has been hostility between them — and in any case the YW was formed quite independently in 1858. Talking to Lois Greenwood, the YW’s Acting Executive Director, was an exciting experience — a kind of historical tour through a community of women that has existed for over 100 years. A woman of about 50, Ms. Greenwood has been involved in various aspects of the YW for most of her life, and she v*2ws the organization ( or the movement, as the women I talked to always called it) as a

“history of women’s concern for ‘each other.’’ Although never radical in the strictly political sense of the word, the YW started off by providing a means for young women to live away from their parents’ homes and to find jobs which would supply them with, in the quaint words of anearly YWCA history, ‘‘a living wage which will assure the possibility of a virtuous livelihood.’’ Behind the Victorian wording lie the grim realities of the options open to the unprotected, unskilled

working woman of the 19th century. Sheltered, young, rich women visited the factories and horrified at what they saw, they began, within the limited structures of their awareness, to ease the burdens of the women whose lives must have provided them with an incredible and horrible glimpse of reality. When: the invention of the typewriter provided a new profession for men, the YWCA began to offer typing courses to women — despite laws that demanded strict medical examinations before women were allowed to handle the new machines. The hypocrisy that allowed women to work 12 or more hours a day in factories but declared them too weak to type is evident; it was the YWCA that began to combat the began to And, in actions like the Lawrence textile strike of 1917, members of the YWCA joined in support of their striking sisters.

Nobless oblige it may have been, but it provided a framework of support for women, particularly working women, which, while nearly dormant at times in the YW’s history, has always been part of its background. It is a framework that explains in part why the organization which, in my childhood, reeked of Father Knows Best and apple pie, has changed dramatically over the past few years.. (Even in the 50s, ‘it must have been doing something right: at the height of the McCarthy days some patriotic soul wrote a stirring expose of its Communist corruption entitled Behind the Lace Curtain.)

Crucial to the changes in the YW in recent years is the adoption of the 1972 convention of the One Imperative — a move toward a basic change in social structures clearly defined by the national organization. Surprisingly, the One Imperative is the elimination not of sexism, but of racism. My first reaction to this was strongly negative. Women have, after all, a strong tradition of ignoring their own needs while fighting for the liberation of others; there is the classic example of the women who fought so bravely for the abolition of slavery only to have their own demands for sufferage scorned by the men beside whom they had fought. If there is a central concept in the women’s movement, it is that we have to put our own struggle first. Yet the women I talked to at both YW’s identified themselves as feminists, and Gladys Maged, a program director at the Cambridge YW, is an old struggle-companion from Female Liberation whom I have long known as a radical feminist. The emphasis of these women — five from the Cambridge YW and two from the Boston — of the importance of the One Imperative differed, but their reasons added up to the same thing. Gladys felt that the battle against sexism was a given in a conscientious women’s organization, but that internal problems of racism had to be faced if sisterhood was to be any kind of reality. Paula Suvanto, also from Cambridge, feels that ‘“‘racism’’ includes sexism, classism, and all the forces by which people are denied power over their own lives. For Susan

Fahlund, the Director of the Adult Department at the Boston YW, the major factor in the One Imperative is that black women spoke up and demanded the recognition of their priorities. The immediate result of the adoption of the One Imperative was the establishment of the audit — each association throughout the country was to assess and report on the particular problems of racism most relevant in its own structure. Predictably, resistance has been more pronounced in some regions than in others: Cambridge, with its large radical and liberal population, was one of the first to turn in its audit; some other branches have not done so yet. Meanwhile, issues of sexism have not been avoided. Sandy Scott, who came to the Cambridge YW in 1968, has seen a marked change over the past five years, and that change is reflected in the bulletin of classes taught. In 1968 and 1969, the emphasis was on swimming, sewing, and ladies-type skills. By 1971, self-defense and black studies were offered. Then, in 1971, some Female Liberation women attended a YWCA panel n ‘unfulfilled women’’; one of the panelists was a male psychiatrist who talked about penis envy. The Female Liberation women confronted him during the question period. and brought up the concepts of women being unhappy because of the limits of their roles. The beginning of this dialogue led to the establishment of an ‘Our Bodies Our Selves’’ course taught by one of the women from the Boston Women’s Health

Book Collective, and by 1972 several feminist courses were being prominently offered. The same has been essentially true of the Boston YW, though Ms.

Greenwood emphasizes that

there is often a disparity between the courses offered and those which women sign up for. Still, the Boston YW is clearly intent on emphasizing its growing feminism: the new winter 1974 bulletin is entitled ‘‘We Do More than Swim,”’ and offeres a fair diversity of feminist-oriented classes as well as the more traditional courses. For Sue Fahlund, this combination of new and traditional courses is essential: she feels that the YWCA is uniquely able to reach those women who, while threatened by the image of ‘women’s lib’’ need a space for dealing with the realities and frustrations of their lives. For such women, even NOW may seem too political, too militant, but the YW provides a means for dealing with their problems in their own terms and at their own place.

Predictably enough, the course of feminism has not run smoothly at the YWCA. There was some problem at the Boston YW last year that resulted in the resignation of several feminists, but from what I could gather the problem was one of tactics as much as ideology. At the Cambridge YWCA, a film series early in the year co-sponsored by Female Liberation showed some movies about lesbianism. The YWCA’s residents, usually not vocal, protested. It was the beginning of some painful but vital dialogue on the issue. Jo

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DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

PAGE SIXTEEN

The CIA’s Journalism

By William Worthy

In April, 1961, a few days after the unsuccessful Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, Allan Dulles, director of the Central In- telligence Agency, met in off-the- record session with the American Society of Newspaper Editors at its annual convention.

Given the intelligence, by then obviously faulty, that had entered into Washington’s rosy advance calculations, he inevitably was pressed to tell: ‘‘Just what are the CIA’s sources of information about other countries?”’

One source, Dulles replied, was U.S. foreign correspondents who were ‘‘debriefed’’ by the CIA on their return home. The usual practice was to hole up in a hotel room for several days of intense interrogation.

Much of the debriefing, I’ve learned over the years, is agreed to freely and willingly by in- dividual newsmen untroubled by the world’s image of them as spies. In at least one case, as admitted to me by the Latin America specialist on one of our mass-circulation weekly news magazines (neither Time nor U.S. News and World Report), the debriefing took place very reluctantly after his initial refusal to cooperate was vetoed

by his superiors. Depending on the particular foreign crises or obsessions at the moment, some of the eager sessions with the CIA debriefers bring handsome remuneration. A U.S. reporter returning home shortly after a military takeover or other upheaval in a country where U.S. imperial stakes are high — such as the Philippines or Uruguay or Chile — can probably name his price. (The ultimate Achilles’ heel of the CIA and of the system it seeks to salvage is the almost instinctive belief — un- derstandably derived from all the corruptible elements it knows and courts so assiduously around the world — that everyone does have a price.)

Despite its awesome power and its general unaccountability, the CIA dreads exposes as much as the Devil dreads holy water. Perhaps because of a “‘prickly rebel’”’ family reputation stret- ching over three generations in Boston, the CIA has never ap- proached me about any of the 48 countries I have visited, in- cluding four (China, Hungary, Cuba and North Vietnam) that had been. placed off-limits by the State Department. But the secret agency nevertheless showed

intense interest in my travels to those ‘‘verboten”’ lands.

Years later, I learned that the U.S. “vice consul” in Budapest who twice came to my hotel to demand (unsuccessfully) that I hand over my passport as I transited Hungary en route home from China in 1957 was, in fact, a CIA agent operating under a Foreign Service cover. During a subsequent lecture tour, I met socially in Kansas City a man who had served his Army tour of duty in mufti, on detached ser- vice in North Africa and elsewhere with the National Security Agency. Out of curiosity I asked him what would be the ‘‘premium’’ price for a newsman’s debriefing on out-of-bounds China. He thought for a moment and then replied: “Oh, about ten thousand dollars.”” Out of the CIA’s petty cash drawer.

New York Conduit

My first awareness of the CIA’s special use of minority-group newsmen abroad came at the time of the 1955 Afro-Asian summit conference at Bandung, Indonesia. Through Washington sources (including Marquis

Childs of the St. Louis Post Dispatch), Cliff Mackay, then editor of the Baltimore Afro- American, discovered — and told me — that the government was planning to send at least one Negro correspondent to ‘‘cover”’ the historic gathering.

The ‘“‘conduit’’ for the expense money and ‘‘fee’’ was the director of a ‘‘moderate’”’ New York-based national organization, supported by many big corporations, that has long worked against employment discrimination. The CIA cash was passed to the organization’s director by a highly placed Eisenhower administration of- ficial overseeing Latin American affairs who later became governor of a populous Middle Atlantic state, and whose brothers and family foundation have long been contributors to the job opportunity organization.

Because of the serious im- plications for a press supposedly free of governmental ties, I relayed this information to the American Civil Liberties Union. I also told Theodore Brown, one of A. Philip Randolph’s Union associates in the AFL-CIO Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Ted’s response has

always stuck in my memory: “I’m one step ahead of you, Bill. President Sukarno and the In- donesian government know all about this, and they are par- ticularly incensed at having a man of color sent to spy in their country.”

Cold-war readiness to “cooperate” with spy agencies, whether motivated by quick and easy money (I’ve often wondered if under-the-counter CIA payments have to be reported on income-tax returns!) or spurred by a misconceived patriotism, had its precedent in World War I and in the revolutionary- counterrevolutionary aftermath. In the summer of 1920 Walter Lippmann, his wife and Charles Merz published in .The New Republic an exhaustive survey of how the New York Times had reported the first two years of the Russian revolution. They found that on 91 occasions — an average of twice a week — Times dispatches out of Riga, Latvia, buttressed by editorials, had ‘“‘informed’’ readers that the revolution had either collapsed or was about to collapse, while at the same time constituting a mortal menace’ to non-

Please turn to page 20

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THE BOSTON PHOENIX, DECEMBER 11, 1973

PAGE SEVENTEEN

The Pappas Family: Coming from the Cold?

By Vin McLellan

“We have a sort of Boston Mutual admiration society with the Kennedys,” explained 27 year-old “Jimmy” Pappas to an acquaintance recently, ‘‘they respect us for our business successes, we respect them for their political successes.”’

James A. Pappas, “Jimmy” to everyone, is the newly appointed president and heir-apparent to the helm of the $400 million Pappas Enterprises, Inc., a multi-national corporation with enormous investments in Greece and one of the most controversial new Boston fortunes. Jimmy is neither the oldest of the ‘‘Pappas boys’’ nor the son of the family patriarch, 73- year-old Tom Pappas, who still keeps a home in Belmont although he lives 11 months of the year in Greece, but Pappas family friends say that in the quiet family confabs where such things are decided, young Jimmy has been tapped as next in line.

The Pappas family is trying to come in out of the cold, according to friends and_ business assuciates. “For years they’ve been press shy,” said one friend, a Milton Academy classmate and associate of Jimmy’s, ‘‘and now they’re trying to come out of it.” With the assistance of Newsome & Co., a local public relations firm with strong Republican ties, the Pappas family is going to try to buff up the company’s public

- venture they were in. I reported

this to Erlichman,”’ said Dean, “and Erlichman told me to just give him a call wherever anything was necessary.”

There was no further mention of Pappas in the hearings and the Dean story, like so many others, was not followed up in the Senator’s questions. Assistant Watergate Committee counsel David Dorsey, queried by the Phoenix, didn’t need his memory refreshed on Dean’s Pappas story. ‘“‘I know about Pappas,” he interrupted. Dorsey would go no further than to say that the Committee was still investigating Watergate and Campaign financing. “‘I’m not at liberty to discuss anything that we’ve turned up in our investigation,” he said.

Pappas associates quote Jimmy Pappas as explaining Dean’s reference to business dealings with LaRue as a “nonsensical allusion to oil im- port tickets — something the Pappas’ don’t need or want.”’ In Business Week last July, Jimmy curtly noted that Dean’s characterization of his Uncle was “absolutely ridiculous.’’ But according to Dean’s testimony, the mysterious LaRue-Pappas oil

ventures pre-dated and was on- going in March of this year.

Oil is, however, a big chunk of the Pappas empire, particularly in Greece.

The Pappas brothers, Tom and John, built their first fortunes here in Boston and a good chunk of the cache is still here. The brothers built a family grocery business into a chain of stores that they sold after World War II and used the capital to enter real estate, a large-scale wholesale operation, imports, and shipping. In the 50s, the Pappas brothers began to make sizable in- vestments in their Greek homeland and in 1963 entered into an enormous deal with the Greek government with a contract that described Tom Pappas as the “entrepreneur’’ technically responsible for financing a $110 million refinery | and petrochemical complex, a deal that was subsequently inflated to require about $200 million capital investment.

The Boston operation includes the metropolitan area’s largest liquor distributorship — if you drink Fleischmann’s, Brown and Forman, the Barcardi rums, Gallo or Mateus wines or Pabst beer, you drop a few coins into

Tom Pappas: The Patriarch

the Pappas coffers.

With a broad line of imported specialty foods, including olives, tomato products, oils, vinegars, nuts and spices from Portugal, Greece, France and Spain, largely under the ‘Gloria’ im- port label, the Pappas-owned Gloria Packing Company is ‘‘one of the largest in the nation in their specialized area,” according to the Mass. Grocer’s Assn. Only recently Jimmy Pappas com- pleted a two year project of consolidating Gloria and the other 37 Pappas companies under a single New York and Boston- based holding company, Pappas

Enterprises.

The real estate and shipping businesses are drawing priority attention in the Pappas organization today, according to business sources. Jimmy Pap- pas’s specialty is real estate. The Pappas properties in Boston are three large land parcels in South Boston, one on E Street, (and two on Summer, the largest of which is the Boston Harbor Industrial Park, beside the Navy Fargo building and across the street from the old Boston Army Base. The family also has extensive holdings in New York, both in the city and a major development in White Plains.

At sea, a fleet of ten tankers fly the Pappas insignia of the Greek letter pi superimposed on a Globe, all under long term contract with Exxon, the firm that built the refinery and five chemical plants in partnership with Pappas in Greece. The company recently ordered a $25 million 120,000-ton oi] and bulk ore carrier that will be chartered to Burmah Oil.

Jimmy Pappas has been quoted by friends as saying he wants to take the business out of politics, but that is going to be some chore.

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Judge John Pappas, Jimmy’s father, never gave a damn about the press.

There was never, for instance, any Pappas response to John Dean’s testimony before the Watergate Committee last summer. The former presidential counsel told the Committee that Tom Pappas was spoken of as a likely source for the Watergate coverup money — if, as Dean put it, the government gave “favorable consideration’”’ to some of Pappas’ oil dealings.

On June 27, Dean testified about the March 13 meeting with Nixon and Haldeman. Dean said he told the President that the seven Watergate defendants were making money demands,

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down, and_ former presidential counsel, no innocent in political fencing, loosed another zinger.

“IT might mention this because it is just . . I have just remembered it now,’’ began Dean haltingly, ‘‘there was at one point in time, after Mr. (Richard) Moore had been to visit Mr. (John) Mitchell in New York following the LaCosta meeting, an effort was made to have Mr. (Frederick) LaRue go out and raise money. This had been discussed earlier and Mr. LaRue had done some activities of this nature. Mr. Erlichman men- tioned to me that someone ought to go see Mr. Pappas, who was a long time supporter of the President, and see if he would be

“Apparently,’’ continued “Mr. LaRue and Mr. Pappas had had some business dealings and as a result of those business dealings, Mr. LaRue was en- couraged that something might be able to be done.

“But he (LaRue, a close Mit- chell associate, White House aide, and former Mississippi real estate entrepreneur) told me Mr. Pappas might have some favorable consideration from the government on some oil matters that resulted from this mutual

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PAGE TWENTY

DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

Continued from page 16 Communist Europe. Lippmann and his associates attributed the misleading coverage to a number of factors. Especially cited in the survey were the transcending win-the-war and anti-Bolshevik passions of Times. personnel, as well as ‘‘undue intimacy’ with western intelligence agencies.

After 1959, when Fidel Castro came to power after having ousted the corrupt pro-American Batista regime, Miami became a modern-day Riga: a wild rumor factory from where Castro’s “death” and imminent over- throw were repeatedly reported for several years. Both in that city of expatriates and also in Havana, ‘“‘undue intimacy” with the CIA caused most North American reporters covering the Cuban revolution to parrot of- ficial U.S. optimism about the Bay of Pigs invasion. In the summer of 1961, on my fourth visit to that revolutionary island, a Ministry of Telecom- munications official told me of a not untypical incident shortly before the invasion. Through through thoroughly discredited Batistianos, the CIA was masterminding extensive sabotage inside Cuba — a policy

doomed to failure not only because anti-Castro endeavors lacked a popular base, but also because kindergartens, depart- ment stores during shopping hours and similar public places were among the targets being bombed. In no country does one mobilize mass support by killing children in their classrooms and women where they shop.

The Premature Bomb

On one such occasion a bomb went off at 9:08 p.m. Five minutes earlier, at 9:03 p.m., an ambitious U.S. wire-service correspondent filed an “urgent press’’ dispatch the Western Union teleprinter in his bureau office, reporting the explosion that, awkwardly for him, came five minutes after the CIA’s scheduled time. When that correspondent and most of his U.S. colleagues were locked up for a week of two during the CIA- directed Bay of Pigs invasion and were then expelled, many U:S. editorial. writers were predic- tably indignant.

Except perhaps in Washington itself and in the United Nations delegates’ lounge, the CIA’s department on journalism is probably busier abroad than with newsmen at home. In 1961, during a televised interview, Walter Lippman referred casually to the CIA’s bribing of foreign newsmen

(editors as well as the working press), especially at the time of critical elections. All over the world, governments and political leaders, in power and in op- position, can usually name their journalistic compatriots who are known or are strongly suspected of being on the CIA’s bountiful payroll. I believe it was Leon Trotsky who once observed that anyone who engages in in- telligence work is always

uncovered sooner or later.

Even neutralist countries learned to become distrustful of U.S. newsmen. In early 1967, Prince Norodom Sihanouk ex- pelled a Negro reporter after just 24 hours. In an official statement, the Ministry of Information alleged that he ‘‘is known to be not only a journalist but also an agent of the CIA.” In a number of Afro-Asian countries, entry visas for U.S. correspondents,. par- ticularly if on a first visit, can be approved only by the prime minister or other high official.

_At Harvard, during 1956-7 Nieman Fellowship year, New York Times Correspondent Tony Lewis and I were told by a woman anthropologist that, during her years at the State Department at the height of the cold war, she had been horrified to find herself reading CIA transcripts of the debriefing of academics who had traveled abroad on ‘‘scholarly’’ missions.

No Denouncement

She had complained to the Social Science Research Council, but at that time was unable to get that prestigious body to denounce the practice. I wasn’t at all surprised. Moldy cold-war “thinking” and reacting affected and infected professors as a class as well as generals as a class. From countless lectures on China and Cuba at colleges across the country in the late 1950s and early 1960s — including the Middle- America cow colleges as well as the “‘better’”’ schools — I had a “feel” (and a very discouraging feel it was) of the campus climate. By and large, it was only a handful of lonely, isolated ‘‘red diaper babies’’ — students and a few young faculty members who were children of radical Depression-era parents — who were challenging the stale and stagnant ‘consensus’ of that period. Abroad, the U.S. empire was riding high, so at home there was ‘‘contentment and tranquility”

But now the times and the all- important have changed, thanks in large part to a new image of the government per se (and the Nixon-Agnew Mafia in par- ticular) after Watergate and after all the eye-opening crimes and disasters in Indo-China and elsewhere. Today, to at least some degree, a goodly number of

intellectual climate.

the most respectable spokesmen for Establishment journalism are resisting the government’s in- sistence on turning newsmen into extensions of the police and prosecution agencies. Also, through and because of rank-and- file caucuses and various in- dependent groupings and jour- nals, newsmen are now more attuned to both subtle and crass threats, and are somewhat better organized to defend themselves against the encroachments of government.

Under the sobering impact of impending troubles which just about everyone today an- ticipates, the older tradition of this country is reasserting itself. The public opinion polls on popular disillusionment clearly show that only a small and seemingly hopeless minority is still living in the fool’s paradise of the Eisenhower-Kennedy years. After Agnew’s disgrace and in this interregnum before Nixon’s downfall, who but the most vulgar and the most insensitive can wave the flag and express “pride’ in being a (North) American?

In the mass media and on the campuses, the First Amendment “fundamentalists’””» may never become a majority. They don’t have to. They are again, as so often historically in crises, “raising a standard to which all honorable men may repair.”

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PAGE TWENTY- TWO

DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

Talking Politics

Legislators What Did They Do?

By Dave O’Brian “No man’s life, liberty or

property are safe while the

legislature is in session.”’

— A New York State Assem-

blyman, 1887

For the next few weeks at least, we are out of immediate danger. The 1973 Massachusetts Legislature, after being in session for 48 weeks — the third longest session in the state’s history — has prorogued, but it will hardly be missed. It was an unremarkable session marked by such a lack of major innovative legislation, in fact, that its uniqueness can be summed up easily in one word: Long.

It was a session that actually is more notable for its disap- pointments than ac- complishments. This past week, when members of the State House Press were being asked, in an informal poll, to list the 10 best bills enacted this year, the most common complaint from reporters was that they couldn’t think of that many.

But if the session was mediocre, what in heaven’s name took so long? There were no big complicated packages of un-

tested legislation facing the lawmakers as the 1973 term faded away, with more a whimper than a bang, and, in- deed, Gov. Francis Sargent, after characterizing the session as one “more significant for its failures and delays’’ than its ac- complishments, said it could have ended by July 30.

How do 280 supposedly in- telligent men and women fritter away four months? No _ two Beacon Hill observers come up with identical answers. It seems, therefore, that the length of the session was due to a number of unrelated factors: The long, drawn-out, and unproductive attempts to kill or cripple the racial imbalance law — a flap that ended the a gubernatorial veto that was overriden in the Senate and upheld by only a whisker in the House, indicating how frighteningly support for integrated education has shrunk since 1965. The inordinate amount of time the state Senate spent trying to redistrict itself, eventually resulting in the sacrifice of a Jewish seat to make way for a black seat. And the fact, of course, that nearly 10,000

seperate bills were filed this year.

Some observers cited a leadership vacuum as the major delaying factor this year, noting that the Senate leadership stumbled badly over both the redistricting squabble and Senate President Kevin Harrington’s horrendous error in judgment when he created a staff job for defeated Fitchburg Senator Joe Ward, spawning cries of outrage that briefly paralyzed the Senate in much the same way that Watergate has paralyzed the

White House.

And Democratic legislators are quick to take pot shots at the governor for filing his budget late, for coming in with sup- plemental budget requests after saying he wouldn’t, for expecting quick action on voluminous state government reorganization legislation which, according to House Speaker David Bartley, “from a technical point of view, was atrocious,” and for failing to show any kind of interest in the fate of legislation after he had filed it. ‘‘There is no governor,” said Rep. Barney Frank of Boston. “Frank Sargent is a

rumor.”

Other less dramatic reasons for delay: The Judge Jerome Troy removal proceedings, which served as at least a minor distraction, the observation that Rep. Joe Early of Worcester, who controls the all-important Ways and Means Committee through which all money bills are fun- neled, is “bright but slow,’’ and the fact that it was a non-election year and our lawmakers were not motivated to quit early and get out there on the campaign trail.

Not that there’s any disgrace in a long session of the legislature, despite the fears of the assem- blyman in 1887, just so long as the session is reasonably productive. However ...

AID TO ELDERLY

The major accomplishment of the session, and one for which its sponsor, Sen. Jack Backman of Brookline, can be justly proud, is the passage of a bill guaranteeing a minimum annual income for the state’s elderly, blind, and disabled effective next March.

That measure, coupled with cost-of-living increases for the

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elderly beginning next July will, for the first time ever, bring such benefits up above the low stan- dard set by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Despite lip-, service bi-partisan support of the proposal when it was introduced, it ran into a lot of difficulty, | mostly fears about its expense, and there were reports that the governor considering backing off until elderly groups threatened to sit-in in his office and, in horror over the political implications of that, Sargent signed the bill instantly. So let’s hear it for senior power, and also for a legislature that has finally recognized the need for special attention to the neediest segment of the population — but as long as the concept of a guaranteed in- come is sold on that basis, the meaning of the precedent, one that should be broadened to cover all needy people regardless of age, is in danger of being lost.

TURNKEY TURNCOATS

But if the major success of the year was in aid to the elderly, the tragic irony of the session exists in the failure of the legislature to pass a meaningful housing for the- elderly package. A multi-million dollar low income _ housing package was totally emasculated at the last minute when the State Senate succumbed to pressure from building trades unions and subcontractors and removed the key ‘“Turnkey”’ provision from the bill.

Turnkey is a method by which private developers contract with local housing authorities to construct low income units and then sell them to the authorities. Observers on all sides of the issue agree that such con- struction is cheaper and more efficient this way and claim that, without Turnkey, such costs would be too high to be feasible in Boston.

Construction subcontractors are traditional opponents of Turnkey, but their influence alone would not have been enough to kill it. The tide was turned when Martin Curry, secretary-treasurer of the Mass. Building Trades Council, sud- denly hopped in bed with the subcontractors and began lob- bying against the provision — even though sources in the mayor’s office now reveal that Curry had been privately assured that all Turnkey construction in the greater Boston area would have been done by union workers.

Through either outlandish greed or stupidity, therefore, Curry and his organization successfully killed off the possibility of jobs for its union members, over a fourth of which he says have no work at all now. State Senator Joseph Timilty of Mattapan, who wants to be mayor, noting that Curry is on Mayor White’s payroll as a $12,500 a year ‘‘assistant com- mercial development specialist,” raised the possibility of the mayor’s office secretly working to scuttle the proposal to prevent any credit from going to Timilty.

‘‘That,’’ responded Andrew Olins, White’s housing expert, ‘‘is total, absolute, unadulterated bullshit.”’ Olins pointed out that he and. other White staffers worked openly for the plan, that most of the Boston legislative delegation (with the notable exception of South Boston Sen. Billy Bulger) supported Turnkey, and that Mayor White “has no control over Curry’s actions when he’s representing his union.”’

“If there’s a guy on my payroll who’s working against the in- terests of my city,” said Timilty,

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PAGE TWENTY- FOUR,

DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

Politi Continued from page 22 “he either gets off the issue or he gets off the payroll.”’

“I wish,”’ said Olins, ‘that things were as simple as Joe Timilty makes them.”

While the defeat of the housing package set White and Timilty to squabbling, though, the real culprits — in addition to Curry — appeared to be Senate President Kevin Harrington, who could have switched enough votes to save the plan but didn’t, and Ways and Means Chairman James Kelly of Oxford, who entertained a number of sub- contractors, by the way, at his recent fundraising dinner.

Other than these notable successes and failures, the 1973 legislative session was, well, unimaginative at best, and unresponsive to real areas of need at its worst. Examples:

TRANSPORTATION

This year, with the full cooperation of the governor, the cities and towns within the MBTA district were finally successful in getting the state to pick up half of the MBTA deficit they’ve been struggling with for years. The bill will give the city of Boston nearly $17 million and, with the an-

ticipated increase in the deficit,

that will save Boston roughly $10 million over this year’s cost — a savings of about $3.60 on the property tax.

In order to accomplish that, though, the legislature had to promise $40 million to the rest of the state to be used for ‘‘highway related’’ expenses — striking a political balance, therefore, between Boston and the western part of the state, and giving new meaning to the phrase, balanced transportation. Mayor White’s staff seemed quite pleased with all of this, but with the exception of this one action, the legislature has, once again, virtually ignored the deeper needs of the inner city

poor.

With the exception of the MBTA subsidy, there was no property tax relief and no meaningful moves this year toward anything resembling tax reform. Except for a cost-of- living boost to welfare recipients, nothing was done for the poor in the state’s other urban areas — Worcester, Springfield, and New Bedford. Except for a $10 a week increase in maximum unem- ployment compensation benefits, little was done about the state’s rapidly increasing army of idle workers. A bill to provide child care tax deductions ‘went down the drain, and Joe Timilty’s attractive ‘‘circuit breaker”’ proposal to place a ceiling on the percentage of income paid for

property taxes or rents through a system of credits and rebates on the state income tax was shunted off to a study.

CONSUMER PROTECTION

Despite increased awareness of the plight of the consumer, here is another area where the failures outnumbered the successes. Most of the consumer-oriented proposals also went down the drain.

As the session was coming to a close, in fact, the most significant piece of consumer legislation to make it into law appeared to be one of the following (and you can take your choice): A _ bill requiring the use of non- flammable material in children’s

' Sleepware, a measure to protect mobile home owners from being evicted, abolition of the auto insurance ‘‘assigned risk pool” (thus assuring that accident- prone drivers, who need it most after all, can get auto insurance) or a measure freeing motorists who are plainly not at fault in an accident from having to pay their property damage deductibles — correcting the major source of complaints about No Fault.

But then, in the waning days of the session, when legislators’ pet projects and patronage bills are usually slipped through, House Speaker Bartley suddenly brought out his Pension Reform bill and it was whisked through

‘both branches with no debate and no roll calls. And upon examination, the pension bill appears to be the most significant consumer protection legislation passed in years. (Bartley touts it as the strongest pension bill in the nation.)

The measure, which has received surprisingly little at- tention in the media, mandates full disclosure by companies to workers of pension eligibility ‘‘in understandable language,’’ it gives the state retirement board authority to monitor the _in- vestment of pension funds, and it requires that pension funds “provide sufficient monies to guarantee minimum pension benefits for retirees.” ‘‘The Senate must not have read the bill at all,” said a Bartley aide, still dazed at how easily the bill slipped through.

Less fortunate was a strong consumer protection measure, supported by Insurance Comr. John Ryan, that would have required insurance companies to turn over to the Consumer’s Council their records concerning injuries resulting from hazardous products. This measure died a quiet death in the now infamous Senate Ways and Means Com- mittee, a committee which seems to have become increasingly receptive to the moneyed in- terests, particularly since Chairman James Kelly has been

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An area of shameful neglect in which, like housing and property tax relief, virtually nothing was done is public education. The legislature became so preoc- cupied with its efforts to sabotage the racial imbalance this year that most other educational issues took a back seat.

The only positive educational reform bill that somehow made it into law, therefore, was the Teacher Certification Act — creating a system by which teachers are certified according to their demonstrated ability to teach, rather than the present tenure system.

CAMPAIGN REFORM

An area that did receive special attention on Beacon Hill this year in the wake, as they say, of Watergate, was the attempt to reform the way political cam- paigns are financed — but the legislature came up with a package that doesn’t go nearly far enough to make a dent in the problem.

Postponing serious con- sideration of public campaign financing until next session, the lawmakers instead voted to limit the amount candidates can spend on advertising: $500,000 for governor and lieutenant governor, $250,000 for attorney general, $100,000 for secretary of state, treasurer, and auditor, $25,000 for governor’s council, $15,000 for state senate, and $5,000 for state representative.

The new law also reduced the amount an individual can con- tribute, requires that a candidate account for all money he receives even before he officially an- nounces, and creates a ‘‘Director of Campaign and Political Finance” to oversee the new rules.

Most significant perhaps, at least as a sign of things to come, is the new law allowing taxpayers to make a $1 tax write-off from their income taxes as a political contribution. It’s a step, however, short, toward next year’s public financing drive that will be engineered by Speaker Bartley, Common Cause, and Rep. Paul Guzzi of Newton.

The legislature also made a few moves toward cleaning its own house including the opening up of governmental records to public scrutiny, the- opening to the public of most executive com- mittee meetings, and a strengthening of lobbyist laws to require lobbyists to disclose their earnings and itemize their ex- penses on days they exceed $35. Lobbyists themselves are happy about this provision, though, figuring it will protect them from shakedown tactics by pols.

At the same time, ironically, the legislature gave final ap- proval to a_ constitutional amendment, to be placed on the ballot next year, reducing the size of the House of Representatives from 240 to 160 members. If approved, of course, the lobbyists will then have a much easier time of it when it comes time for buying votes, there will be less minority representation, and we will have the League of Women Voters to thank for it.

Other new laws of some note include the lowering of the age of majority to 18, meaning that the kids who can already drink and drive can now make out their wills first; passage of a uniform voter registration law, designed to end harrassment of students who try to register to vote in their college towns by mandating that veters be registered after signing, under penalties of perjury, a sworn statement; and a series of business tax credits to encourage new industry.

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PAGE TWENTY- SIX

DECEMBER 11,1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

suggests, they would be $76 short month after month. Over the long haul, the nutritional deficiency would translate into more disease and higher costs for medical care, an unnecessary toll on the family and a financial burden the Commonwealth ultimately has to shoulder.

In addition, said Walton, the scope of the food stamp program is less extensive than under the old system. Where the Com- monwealth now distributes per year $45 million worth of free food, after July it will be ad- ministering only $36 million worth of food stamps.

Stamps

Continued from page 5

titles them to $116 worth of stamps for which they would have to pay $59. Since they have only $50.23 and can purchase the stamps only in increments of ‘4, Ve or 34, they will be able to buy only $87 worth of stamps for $46.

A Welfare Department official asked about the accuracy of these statistics admitted that, if anything, the estimated budget was higher than the amount such a family would normally receive. The official, Stan Boris, head of the current food stamps program, had been requested by Welfare Commissioner Stephen Minter to review the Peoples Union assessment.

Walton pointed out further that by United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) standards, a food budget of even $116 for a family of four is grossly inadequate. The USDA recom- mends at least $163 per month for a well-balanced low cost diet. If the Peoples Union prototype family’s food outlay of $87 were compared to what USDA

Aside from’ these con- siderations, the food stamp unlike the food surplus program places troublesome restrictions on recipients. Some will be required to register for work, and others deemed unable to manage money may have their food allotment deducted from their welfare checks. This sort of paternalism reflects the frequently voiced suspicion that families go on welfare not out of need but rather out of a refusal to support themselves, and that their lack of resources stems

from irresponsibility rather than low budget allowances.

As the Prices Go Up, Up, Up

Whereas at one time the donated food program offered a variety of 24 staples that con- tributed to a balanced diet for the

low income family, now the available surplus stock is scarce. Welfare’s Public

Relations Director Pam Bush acknowledged that most of the food outlets generally have only “seven or eight items, but they vary from month to month. I think it’s getting progressively worse. We’re ordering it, but the Department of Agriculture just isn’t sending

A Somerville Welfare mother with two children, Marge Clingan, described the paucity at her local warehouse on Pearl Street. ‘‘We haven’t been getting flour, powdered milk. There hasn’t been cheese for a year. There’s no cornmeal, no luncheon meat, no canned turkey left any more either. No split peas. That leaves very little Butter, some canned meat, corn’ syrup, macaroni, peanut butter, vegetables and canned fruit, and

orange juice. Sometimes they don’t have that. I’ve been wat- ching it slowly dwindling. Powdered milk, people are really upset about because they use it to make baby formula. The last time I was there, they didn’t even have evaporated milk.”’

Clingan complained, too, that recipients were harrassed at the Pear! Street outiet, and not given reasonable explanations why the stocks were low.

Warren Castillo, Director of the USDA Distribution

_ Program in Washington, ex-

plained that the Department now has temporary special authority to buy foods ‘‘at prudent market prices” to replace decreasing surpluses, without which USDA would have been able to provide only 60 percent of foods formerly available.

Castillo claimed that shortages on the state level probably result in part from local mismanagement. He may very well be right. From the harvest to the table, surplus foods go through about six different agencies, all of which have their own intricate bureaucracies. There is ample opportunity at

every juncture for delays and..

mistakes. In Massachusetts, for instance, there has been a dearth of freight cars to transport the food.

Despite Castillo’s assurances that commodities would be forth- coming until the cutoff date of June 20, he admitted the USDA now has only 10 million pounds of butter in inventory, just as one example, when three years ago the average would have been twenty times as much. His fur- ther protestation that the last time he checked Massachusetts had a ten months’ supply of evaporated milk is little con- solation to the welfare mothers who can no longer depend on the government to feed _ their children.

Getting the Stamp of Approval

The Welfare Department anticipates that anywhere from . 100,000 to 125,000 families per month will qualify for food stamps, only about 12,000 of whom .are already on the program. Actually certifying all these people is, itself a task that cannot even be tackled until the_

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PAGE TWENTY- EIGHT

DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

Stamps

Continued from page 26

state legislature approves the money for it. The Welfare Department has submitted a budget that will be presented in two installments when the legislature reconvenes_ in January: one for administration of the program during fiscal year 1975, but more important for the supplementary or deficiency funds to implement the program by June 30. The conversion request is for $2.2 to $2.4 million, a large amount by any standards and particularly awesome these days. If the legislature balks at approving the funds, or stalls for any length of time, the Depart- ment’s schedule will be thrown off considerably.

When asked if he forsaw any problems on the hill, Stan Boris at first replied optimistically. “There’s a fine line between what you need and what you can do without, and it usually ends up somewhere in the middle. We can probably get it jury rigged. Everybody seems to be in favor

of getting this thing going. Even in an austerity year, it’s a priority.”

Later he abandoned the polyanna pose of other welfare officials. ‘‘Things are never exactly what you conceptualize them to be . You say that this will go through and then two months later, who’s got egg on his face? I don’t want to get people’s hopes up, but dammit, the last five years have been austerity years as far as our department is concerned. Worst thing is, who gets hurt the most? Not me. The people. They’ve got enough problems without another defeat.”’

If and when the deficiency budget is passed, the Welfare Department has to hire and train new employees, contract with another agency to process and deliver the stamps and formalize the program for all those 314 communities that have never seen a food stamp before. Much of the work of conversion will be done by computer — the same computer that brought you three- year backlogs in payments to medical vendors and delayed checks to welfare recipients. —

Barring any bugs, however, officials hope to have pilot projects on the Cape in operation by March and in the rest of the state by April.

Again, Boris was cautious in evaluating whether the timetable is realistic, especially if the requested deficiency budget is pared down. ‘‘We can probably get most of it done if a lot ot people do extra work. That’s asking something. I don’t know if it’s asking a lot. It may be displeasing to a lot of people. I’m crossing my fingers.”’

The social workers compelled to work double time to complete the conversion may indeed be displeased. Boston welfare of- fices alone are already short 150 workers, according to regional administrator Jack Toby quoted last week in the Globe, and hardly have the Capacity to absorb the additional respon- sibilities.

Another issue still unsettled is which third party will handle the stamp transactions. The Welfare Department hopes to entice the Post Office into the contract instead of private banks that

have done it in the past in some. places. Aside from being more accessible and having its own internal auditing system, the Post Office has the advantage of being 20 percent less expensive than the banks if the banks are

chosen, they stand to gain in aggregate $1.5 million from the deal. Apparently the Post Office is reluctant to take on the job, and welfare is suggesting that anyone, even community groups, can make a bid for it.

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ann Del Sardo, a volunteer deeply involved in the YWCA, feels good about the confrontation — this kind of situation forces the facing of uncomfortable issues that are dangerously ignored otherwise. Helen Brooks, a member of the Board of Directors at Cambridge, was especially concerned with the problem of dealing with lesbianism without either oppressing lesbians or alienating women threatened by lesbianism. And the question became even more delicate when black women expressed distrust of the lesbian issue: the clash of racism and sexism is one of the stickiest problems the women’s movement has to deal with, it is to the credit of the women at the Cambridge YW that they have not ignored it, but are working patiently and commitedly in a difficult aspect of the struggle.

It is this committment to struggle that impressed me most about the women of the YWCA that I talked with: The One Imperative seems to mean to them, above all else, a deep committment to working through all the issues that separate women from each other — class, race, even sexuality — and there is strong awareness that this process will have to take its own shape based on the needs and perceptions of all the women involved. I still have trouble with the One Imperative. My gut tells me that the One Imperative. of women is fighting our own oppression. But it is also clear that the women’s movement cannot dictate to women the terms of their struggle — not if it isto remaina real women’s movement. Paradoxically, the elimination of racism may be a more feminist Imperative than the elimination of sexism would have been, since it is a response to the demands of the women themselves.

Before I started on this article, I had planned to join the YWCA so I could take some of their courses. I still want to take the courses, and it may be all I ever do in the organization. But the idea of membership has taken on a meaning in its own right. The YWCA is, as Lois Greenwood said, ‘‘a history of women’s concern for each other.’’ I like the idea of becoming a part, however peripherally, of this living and growing history.

WELCOMES TF ERY Ae |

PAGE TWENTY- NINE

THE BOSTON PHOENIX, DECEMBER 11, 1973

Energy

Continued from page 6 of a 3.5 million barrel shortage from January to March; according to the April 9 Oil and Gas Journal, the oil companies could easily extract from 50 Texas fields at least 50 million barrels of crude oil per year for the next 20 years — but, says the magazine, ‘unfortunately, the industry. . . isn’t 100 percent behind this means of boosting oil recovery.”

General George Lincoln, chairman of Nixon’s Oil Policy Committee, offered a Senate hearing the insight which Nixon’s November message seemed to lack: ‘‘We might as well recognize,’’ Lincoln said, “that because of the system under which we operate in this country, we are primarily dependent on our energy supply industry...’’

Massive Waste

The energy ‘‘crisis’’ is, in itself, unimportant except as a warning that the fundamental economic structure in this society encourages massive energy waste. Nixon’s grand energy conservation scheme ignores these large-scale patterns of waste and shifts responsibility, incredibly, to the individual consumer. Practically none of his measures touches big business, which consumes 70 percent of the energy (industry alone accounts for 43 percent). Almost all of them focus on individuals in their homes, which account for only 19 percent of the energy use. As a coalition of environmental and consumer groups said in their recent “‘countermessage’’ on energy, Nixon’s ‘“‘appeal to consumer sacrifice is being used as a pretext to avoid making hard decisions regarding corporate practices and structure.”

Last year, the White House Office of Emergency Preparedness published a detailed report called ‘‘The Potential’ for Energy Conservation,”’ which analyzed different ways the nation can conserve energy. Can you guess which strategy the OEP concluded was least effective? It was “educational programs to encourage good energy conservation practices in the home’”’ — the main thrust of Nixon’s plan for ‘‘reductions in home heating, reductions in driving speeds, and elimination of unnecessary strategy, the OEP computed, is about three percent as effective in saving energy as measures affecting industry. Nixon did restrict heating oil for businesses, and cut back on unnecessary airline flights — scarcely the big savings called for. Turn on your Christmas lights and you'll go to jail. Industries will merely get a letter from Commerce Secretary Frederick Dent, urging them to be frugal.

Here’s. the OEP energy conservation plans: ‘‘The most significant realizable measures to effect conservation are: a) improved insulation in homes; b) adoption of more efficient air conditioning systems; c) shift in intercity freight from highway ta rail, intercity passage from air to ground travel, and urban passengers from automobiles to mass transit... and d) introduction of more efficient industrial processes and equipment.”

But the OEP staff noted that ‘‘many of the conservation measures suggested may not be acceptable.”’

Let’s take home heating and air conditioning. The giant

_ financial institutions, including

the banks, finance homes and other buildings only if they are relatively cheap to. construct, not if they’re cheap to operate over

lighting.”’This

years of use. Building efficient energy use into homes and buildings increases the initial costs, — and the banks discourage it. The Atomic Energy Commission's Oak Ridge Laboratories estimates that good insulation could cut home heating fuel consumption at least 42 percent. It’s the same _ with businesses and office buildings.

Incidentally, concerning buildings, hére’s an interesting energy tidbit: about one quarter of all the electrical energy in America keeps lights burning, and up to 60 percent of the electricity in new office buildings. The brighter the lights,

_ the more energy they soak up —

and did you ever wonder who decides how bright the lights should be? Most building codes rely on the Illuminating Engineering Society of America, a trade association of lighting engineers from major utilities and utility equipment manufacturers. Since 1930, for some reason unexplained by scientific literature, the IES has increased by five times the minimum amount of light it

claims is necessary to keep us

happy and productive and to prevent us from going blind. Office lighting has become so bright that the major purpose of energy-intensive air conditioning is to battle the enormous heat generated by the lights.

The single most effective energy conservation measure, says the OEP report, would be to raise energy prices — which would drive to the heart of massive industrial waste. The gas and electric utilities have long sold energy under the ‘declining rate block system”’ which means that the more energy you use (and waste), the less money you pay.

‘‘Let me conclude,’’ the President told the country in his

televised statement — and he

concluded with a short sermon on ‘‘one word that best characterizes this nation... ‘independence.’ ’’ And with that Nixon ushered in Project Independence-1980, ‘‘a series of plans and goals to ensure that by the end of this decade, Americans will not have to rely on any source of energy beyond our own.”’ What Nixon means is quick construction of the Alaska pipeline, which the Interior Department has concluded may cause environmental disasters and severe economic depression in Alaska when the feverish, inflated building activity comes to an end; construction of East Coast supertanker ports and refineries; off-shore oil drilling; a surge forward with the government-industry master plan to strip mine federally- owned wilderness in the Mountain States; and a crash program to build fast breeder nuclear reactors, which even the Atomic Energy Commission

staff warns are not safe. In other

words, more of the same. Project Independence obviously does not mean developing infinitely renewable and pollution free resources like solar energy. Even now, with current technology, solar energy could supply half the home heating needs in America. Until last year, the government spent less on developing nonnuclea: sources of energy than the airlines spent on two 747’s. This year, Nixon has asked for a paltry $13.2 million for solar research in his one billion dollar energy budget. Fully half of the budget will pour into nuclear reactors, and $168 million into coal industry research. Energy conservation research wins a piddling $15.5 million. So much for Nixon’s concept of Project Independence. ‘‘So far, nobody has found a way to make a profit out of the sun,’’ energy writer James Ridgeway says. ‘‘So development of solar energy proceeds at a snail’s pace.”’

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PAGE THIRTY

DECEMBER 11, 1973, THE BOSTON PHOENIX

It’s a Steal

Continued from page 3.

in the art world demonstrates, it has become increasingly dif- ficult, though far from im- possible, to steal or forge pain- tings. There are catalogues on top of catalogues, and the provenances — or pedigrees — of paintings are attested to, often in scrupulous detail. There is even one set of catalogues devoted entirely to the work of Picasso. Although it is not unusual for a gallery owner to find on sale in London a painting which was stolen from him in New York, it is becoming harder for the thief to pull it off. Under such conditions, _ antiquities and primitive art become ever more lucrative to the criminal; if, as they may have in this case, the thieves can carry off all the papers on their loot, things are that much easier.

The New York Times last month, in a series of articles, carried the fascinating saga of the Afo-A-Kom, the sacred religious idol of a small kingdom in the Cameroons. After six years underground, from the night it was carried off from behind the king’s compound, the statue mysteriously reappeared this summer in the hands of a New York collector; he had bought it, he said, from a ‘‘reputable dealer.”’ This is undoubtedly true; one reputable dealer of my acquaintance was offered the Statue five years ago, by a

mysterious, and no doubt disreputable, source, who was unable to come up with a satisfactory provenance for the item, and then disappeared. It was only a matter of time before this source either manufactured a provenance or found a “reputable dealer’’ who was not quite as scrupulous as the first one.

What will become of the missing coins? Perhaps they will be held for ransom, although there has been no indication so far that this is a_ possibility. Perhaps they will be melted down for their valuable metals — a prospect which horrifies ar- cheologists and art historians — although the amount of money to be gained that way is piddling in contrast with the value of the metals in their present form, and would hardly justify a late night armed robbery as _ skilfully planned as this one obviously was. There is the possibility that the thieves had a buyer for the stolen goods before they ever went into the Museum, making it a sort of commissioned un- dertaking, a possibility which the F.B.I.’s Boston. office admits it has considered. One New York dealer scoffs at that idea, though. “Anything like that can move very easily,”’ she says. ‘‘It’s not at all complicated.’’ In fact, she suggested, it may have been the Metropolitan Museum, that grand dowager of the American art world, which first put the idea for the theft into the malefactors’ heads. Last year, in line with the “‘de-accessioning”’ policy of the

Museum’s director, Thomas FP.

Hoving — the controversial

process in which the museum

raises money for new art objects by selling old ones — the Met sold off a collection of ancient coins at suprisingly high prices. There seems to be some truth in the theory that art thieves pick and choose according to the current market, as witness the recent theft in Cambridge of several Jackson Pollock paintings from a private collection hard on the heels of the sale of a Pollock for $2 million. In any case, the New York dealer, believes, the coin thieves will have little trouble disposing of their booty through any of several channels. They could smuggle the coins out of the United States and into any number of Europeans countries where customs checks on art are lax, to say the least. In many countries, if you declare art at

the border, assure the customs

agent that you are the legal

owner, and attest to the fact that

you don’t intend to sell the stuff,

you will be admitted with no

further ado. You don’t really have to take it out of the country, in point of fact; law enforcement Officials say that they are assuming that many, if not all, of the coins, might be headed for American destinations.

Who will buy the coins? “A dealer,’’ a dealer told me. ‘‘An unsuspecting dealer who would then sell to an _ unsuspicious collector.” ‘If the F.B.I. finds a dealer with a knife in his back somewhere on the Lower East Side, they might assume that he

had something to do with it,” one

art connossieur said. Of course, dealers worry about provenance, just as car salesmen worry about registrations and real estate brokers worry about deeds. “‘A dealer who is suspicious of it better damn ask for the provenance of it,” the art con- noisseur said, “But there are certain circumstances in which it is considered rather poor taste to ask.

Taste is at the root of the problem. If a respectable person, say, a collector well known to the dealer, were to walk in with a handful of the coins, most dealers wouldn’t make it their business to be too curious about provenance. If a shifty, beady-eyed hoodlum type appeared in a Park Avenue gallery, his advent would more likely be greeted with a sharp intake of breath and repeated demand for explanations and affidavits. But the people who were smart enough to know what to take from the Fogg are cer- tainly smart enough to know how to dispose of it.

Of course, barring’ the possibility that some strange Goldfingeresque character was responsible for the theft, and intends to hide the coins away in some mountain stronghold, chances are that the plan calls for the disposal of the coins in small lots. They may be hidden away for years, or they may go on the market directly. ‘‘Sooner or later those coins are going to show up,” a dealer says. But ‘‘sooner or later’? may mean a hundred years. The art market has ex-

panded well beyond the confines of Europe and North America. Stolen art may find its way to Zurich, as it often has in the past, to acquire a pedigree and a “reputable dealer,” but from there it may go as far afield as Buenos Aires and Tokyo. With the Japanese cash position as favorable as it is, increasing numbers of Japanese collectors and speculators have been frequenting the art auctions at Sotheby’s and Parke Bernet, snapping up art for art’s sake, and art for its financial value. It is probably not unwise to speculate that some of the coins may be destined for points far from Cambridge.

Dealers Ante Up

A Florida group calling itself the Broward County Marijuana Dealers Association has donated $2000 in cash to help pay for a child’s heart operation.

The money was turned over to fund-raisers for the Jody Dietrich heart surgery fund by an unidentified young woman. The gift covered the remaining costs needed to perform life-saving surgery on Jody, a six-year-old boy.

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